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The Return of the French. i: ; :->: with Appendix, by John Austin 

ens. ............ i 

The Southern Campaign, 17S1, from Guilford Court House to the 5 : _ . 

York, by Charles Washington Coleman, Jr., 36 

The Nelson House, Yorktown, Ya.. by R. A. Brock 47 

Bibliographical. Invitation to Contributors, by the Editor, . . . 59 

Notes. Queries and Replies .... 61, 144. 226. zz- }-:. 454 

Editor's Chronicle 6S. 5 :;i. 515, 385, f6? 

N::::e?. 74< 156. -\ : ; ^- 47- 

Register of Books Received. . ... So, 160, 240, 39- _- 

Washington's Military Family, by Berthold Fernow, Si 

St Memin Portraits — Dr. James McHe: . . . . . .:_ 

Washington's Address on Resigning his Commission. . . . .105 

Pen and Ink Portrait of Washington, described by C. W. Coleman. Jr.. . 107 
The Miller House. Washington's Headquarters at White Plains. 1776. by 

Wiison Cary Smith, 10S 

Washington House at Brington, England, by Rev. John Nassau S::npkinson, 119 

Washington's Journal, from August to November, 1781, . . . 1:2 
Letters of Washington, second series, now for the first time published 

(twenty-two), 1777, > . . .134 

The Massacre at Fort Griswold, with a list of the slain at Groton, by 

Charles Burr Todd, 161 

The Ledyard Family, with Appendix, by John Austin Stevens. . . 176 

The Ledyard House, Hartford, Conn., by Edward W. Wells, . . . 200 
The Southern Campaign, 17S1. from Guilford Court House to the Siege of 

York, narrated by St. George Tucker in letters to his wife : Part II .. 

the Peninsula Campaign, by Charles Washington Coleman, Jr.. . 201 
St. Memin Portraits — Sketch of St. George Tucker, by Charles Washington 

Coleman. Jr.. . . .217 

Siege of York and Gloucester. Ya., . . . . .. . . ::: 

Operations of Rochambeau's Corps. S24 

The Campaign of the Allies — the Surrender of Lord Cornwallis, by J. 

Harris Patton, ........... 241 

Disposition of the Allied Armies, compiled by Asa Bird Gardner. . . - 

French Officers at the Siege of York, by the Editor 269 

The Wythe House. Williamsburg, Ya., Washington's Headquarters, by 

Charles Washington Coleman, Jr., 


• ■-• 





Col. John Eager Howard, of the Second Maryland Regiment, in the Conti- 
nental Line, by Elizabeth Read, 

The Diary of a French Officer, Aid to Rochambeau, presumed to be the 
Baron Cromot du Bourg. Part V., including De Menonville's Journal 
of the Siege of York, and an account of the naval campaign of De 

The Monument to the Alliance; Proceedings of Congress, 1781 and 
1880-81. and of the correspondence of Livingston and Franklin, and 
of Livingston and Luzerne. The Franklin Medal, Libertas Americana, 

The Yorktown Centennial — Acts of Legislatures and Societies, . 

The Surrender of Cornwallis in England, by J. C. Stockbridge, 

Official Map of Yorktown, by Lieut. L. V. Caziarc, U. S. A., 

William Few, Lieut. Col. Georgia Militia in the Revolutionary Service, by 

Charles C. Jones, Jr., 340 

Autobiography of Col. William Few, of Georgia, from the original MS. in 

the possession of William Few Chrystie, ...... 343 

Diary and Memoranda of Henry Cruger, Conversations with Edmund Burke 
and Lord North, 1775. Arranged for publication by Henry Cruger 
Van Schaack, ........... 358 

The Storm of the Yorktown Redoubts — 1. Hamilton to the Evening Post, 
August 11, 1802. 2. Lafayette to Hamilton, March 31, 1803. 3. La- 
fayette to Archenholz, Sept. 30, 1804, ...... 

The Naval Engagement of De Grasse and Graves, from the London Gazette, 

Fray Sahagun's History of New Spain, by J. Carson Brevoort, . 

The Yorktown Centennial, .381 

The New York Continental Line of the Army of the Revolution, by Asa 
Bird Gardner, 

Philemon Dickinson, Maj.-Gen. New Jersey Militia, in the Revolution, by 
Wharton Dickinson, .......... 

St. M£min Portraits — Sketch of Thomas Boiling Robertson, Governor of 
Louisiana, by R. S. Robertson, 

Southern Campaign of Major-General Greene, 1 781-2 ; Letters of Major 
William Pierce to St. George Tucker, communicated by Charles 
Washington Coleman, Jr., . . . . . . . . .431 

The Allies before Yorktown — News from the Front, ..... 445 
Letters from the Field of Yorktown, 449 

Yorktown Centennial — The Guests of the Nation, . . . . .461 

Oregon, by William E. Foster, . 470 







Portrait of Chevalier de Chastellux, steel etching, by Hall, 

Route and Encampment of the French, from Soules Troubles De 

L'Amerique, . ......... 8, 

Emblematic View of the National Standards of the United States and 


Plan of the Battle of Guilford Court House, from Tarleton's Campaigns, 
The Nelson House, Yorktown, Va., steel etching, by Hall, from a drawing 

by Hosier, 

The Nelson Arms, 

Pen and Ink Portrait of Washington, supposed to have been drawn by Ben 

jamin H. Latrobe, steel etching, by Hall, 
Badge of the Society of the Cincinnati sent to Washington from France 
Portrait of Dr. James McHenry, by St. Memin, 
Fac-simile of the signature of Dr. James McHenry, 
Fac-simile of Washington's Address on resigning his Commission, 
The Miller House, Washington's Headquarters at White Plains, steel etching 

by Hall, from a drawing by Hosier, 
American Redoubt and Mortar, White Plains, 
Washington House, Brington, England, from a recent 
The Ledyard House, Hartford, Conn., by Hosier, 
Battle Monument on Groton Heights, 
The Arms of Ledyard, . . . . 
The Tomb of John Ledyard, .... 
Partial view of Ledyard Cemetery, 
Portrait of St. George Tucker, by St. Memin, 
The Tucker House, Williamsburg, Va., 
Portrait of John Randolph, of Roanoke, 
The Arms of Tucker, ..... 

Portrait of John Eager Howard, steel etching, by Hall 
Cut from Loudon's N. Y. Packet, Nov. i, 1781, . 
The Wythe House, Williamsburg, Va., steel etching by Hall, from a drawing 

by Hosier, 

Cornwallis' Headquarters, Williamsburg, Va., 

The Arms of Howard, ..... 

Map of Yorktown, from the Faden and Renault maps of 1781, by Lieut. L 

V. Caziarc, ........ 

The Flagship Ville de Paris, from the Bradford Club cut, 


12, 17 




1 12 




2 75 




Official Map of Yorktown, 1881, 339 

Plan of Yorktown and Temple Farm, 304 

The Yorktown Monument, 305 

The Franklin Medal Libertas Americana, . 307 

Portrait of William Few, and fac-simile of signature, . . . 321, 342 

United States Diplomatic Medal, 338 

Position of the English and French Fleets off the Capes of the Chesapeake, 369 

Fac-simile of Signature and Arms of Fray Sahagun, 380 

Arms of New Spain, . . ...... 380 

Portrait of George Clinton, steel etching by Hall, from an original 

miniature, in possession of Mrs. Pierre Van Cortlandt, . . .401 

The Great Seal of New York, . . . . . . . .419 

The Dickinson House, etching by Pennell, ...... 420 

The Arms of Dickinson, . . 427 

Portrait of Thomas Boiling Robertson, . 428 

The Arms of Robertson, 430 


Vol. VII JULY 1881 No. 1 


THE determining influence of the victory at Yorktown upon British 
opinion and the counsels of the King and his Ministry was scarcely 
anticipated in America. The disinclination on the part of the 
Allies to a longer prosecution of the war had been plainly evident 
during the summer, and there is little doubt that negotiations for peace 
would have been commenced at the close of the year 1781 but for the new 
turn given to affairs by the defeat of the plan of the British Ministry to 
restore their dominion over the Southern States, preparatory to the 
entertainment of any propositions for a cessation of hostilities. Nor yet 
was it in the character or traditions of the English race to treat with an 
enemy in the hour of disaster. In its history treaties had, from time 
immemorial, followed upon victory, never upon defeat. It was, there- 
fore, necessary, as well as politic, to grasp the full fruits of the brilliant 
success, and Washington, with the vigor which is one of the most 
striking traits of his well-balanced nature, resolved to carry its conse- 
quences to their uttermost limit. 

Wilmington and Charleston, the seaports of the Carolinas, were still 
in the hands of the British, and Admiral Graves, with a powerful fleet, 
lay at anchor in the harbor of New York, and on the withdrawal of the 
French would again become the master of the entire coast, from Rhode 
Island to Georgia. If the Southern ports were to be recovered, imme- 
diate action was an imperative necessity, and the cooperation of the 
squadron of de Grasse an essential condition of success. On his arrival 
the French admiral had announced that his presence on the American 
coast was but an incident in his general plan of campaign, and the day 
fixed for his rendezvous with the Spanish admiral, for operations in the 
waters of the Antilles, was now close at hand. 

Washington's first care, therefore, was to visit the Count de Grasse, to 


induce him to further cooperation with the land forces before his final 
departure from the coast. On the 21st of October, after setting the pris- 
oners upon their march to Winchester and Fort Frederick, the places 
destined for their reception, he went on board the Ville de Paris to pay 
his respects to the admiral, and to thank him for his important services. 
Aware from an earlier conference, that there was little hope of obtaining 
more than a convoy, he contented himself, to use the words of his inval- 
uable journal, " with representing the important consequences and cer- 
tain prospect of an attempt upon Charleston, and requesting, if his 
orders or other engagements would not allow him to attend to that 
great object, that he would, nevertheless, transport a detachment pf 
troops to, and cover their debarkation at, Wilmington, that by reducing 
the enemy's post there we might give peace to another State with the 
troops that would afterwards join the Southern army under the com- 
mand of Major-General Greene," who only awaited sufficient reinforce- 
ment before undertaking the siege of Charleston in form. 

The Marquis de Lafayette, to whom the command of the detachment 
destined for the attack upon Wilmington had been promised, accom- 
panied Washington on this visit to the fleet, and, according to the narra- 
tive of Cromot du Bourg, an aide of Rochambeau, the French general 
went on board the squadron the same day. Washington returning, left 
the Marquis to use his personal influence to press considerations which 
his own dignity only permitted him to state. On the 23d Lafayette 
returned with the assurance from the Admiral that he would protect the 
proposed expedition against Wilmington, and arrangements were imme- 
diately undertaken for the embarkation of Wayne's and Gist's brigades 
with artillery and other necessary materials of war. The next day, the 
24th, an express arrived from General Forman, who was entrusted with 
the observation, from the Jersey Highlands, of the movements of the 
British fleet, announcing the passage of the Narrows by ninety sail, inclu- 
ding twenty-six ships of the line and numerous frigates, the destination of 
which was supposed to be the Chesapeake. The Count de Grasse was 
immediately notified, and arrangements were commenced for the with- 
drawal of the transports and stores from the James River to the 
Head of Elk. The same day the Surveillante sailed with the Duke de 
Lauzun to carry the news of the capture of York to the Court of 
France. This fast-sailing frigate reached Brest in twenty-two days. 

Already on the 26th the Count de Grasse had reconsidered his con- 
sent to transport troops, artillery or stores. Any delay in their debark- 
ation might expose him to censure. He declared that it would be 


impossible for him to remain on the coast beyond the 8th of November. 
These views, first conveyed to Lafayette, were repeated in a letter to 
Washington, which reached him on the 28th. On the 27th the Andro- 
maque, which had gone out the day before, carrying the Count William 
de Deux -Fonts to ask the favors of the Court, returned to the 
roadstead. Hardly had she left the Middle-Ground banks, the posi- 
tion, to the shelter of which De Grasse had moved his fleet from Lynn 
Haven Bay, off Cape Henry, when the signals of the frigates Her- 
mione and Concorde, which were cruising outside, gave notice of the 
approach of a large squadron, and the Andromaque returned to the 
mouth of the James River. In the evening of the same day the Count 
de Grasse informed Washington that it was the British fleet, consisting 
of thirty-six ships, of which twenty-five were of the line, and that 
he had hoisted signals summoning all his people on board in order to 
make sail, but that delay in the execution of his orders, arising from the 
dispersion of the men on shore, had rendered it impossible. The next 
morning the British fleet appeared off the capes, but the wind not 
favoring, the French lay quietly at anchor. In the evening the hostile 
squadron disappeared. 

No enemy having been seen for two days, the Andromaque again 
went out on the 1st Novemher. Count de Deux-Ponts records in his 
diary that on the 2d she was chased, at long distance, but avoiding 
combat by the express orders of de Grasse, and pressing sail, she 
escaped under cover of the night, and, favored by wind and Aveather, 
reached the coast of France on the 20th November in a passage of 
nineteen days. 

On the 1st November the English squadron was again reported 
making sail to the southward ; it was supposed to reinforce Charleston. 
On the 5th the Marquis de St. Simon embarked the auxiliary troops 
which the squadron had brought from the West Indies to take share in 
the land operations. The same day Wayne's and Gist's brigades and the 
Virginia troops began their march southward to join General Greene. 
The command of this detachment was entrusted by Washington to Gen- 
eral St. Clair. 

The French fleet now weighed anchor and sailed out from the bay, 
leaving the Romulus and three frigates to protect the York and James 
rivers, and to cover the water transportation of the stores up the bay 
to Elk river. Before sailing, the French Admiral received a letter (28th 
October) from Washington, suggesting a plan of campaign for the 
spring, and inviting his presence in the Chesapeake with a force of 


decisive naval superiority toward the end of May, . in order that from 
this central position a movement might be made against either New 
York or Charleston, as seemed most feasible. In this letter Washington 
exhausted the power of forcible and persuasive language to impress 
his views upon the French Admiral, appealing by turns to his patri- 
otism and his love of glory. "You will have observed," said he r 
" that whatever efforts are made by the land armies, the navy must have 
the casting vote in the present contest. The Court of France are con- 
vinced of it, and have declared their resolution to give this indispensable 
succor. The triumphant manner in which your Excellency has main- 
tained the mastery of the American seas, and the glory of the French 
flag, lead both nations to look to you as the arbiter of the war." 

Thus sailed from the peaceful waters of the beautiful bay, forever 
after of historic fame as the scene of the crowning victory of the Alliance, 
the gallant armament. The lilies of France floated at the mast-head 
of the outgoing vessels, and the standard of the King waved triumphant 
in the morning breeze. A hundred years elapse, and the vessels of 
France again appear to renew the old rejoicing. The glory of the royal 
lilies has paled before the tri-color symbol of liberty ; out to American 
hearts they are alike dear. In our sympathy for the principles so 
gloriously vindicated and represented by the one, we can never forget 
the obligations we owe to the timely succor of the other. To us 
they are alike the emblems of a generous nation ; the emblems of 

On the abandonment of the expedition against Wilmington Lafayette 
resolved to take advantage of the interval, which would elapse before 
the beginning of another campaign, to return to France and visit his 
family. Congress granted him leave of absence, commended him by 
special letters to the King, and directed the ministers of the United 
States to confer with him on his arrival. He sailed from Boston in the 
Alliance on the 23d of December, and continued with the same discreet 
judgment and untiring energy, which marked his conduct in the field, 
to promote the interests of the United States, by furthering the prepa- 
rations of the French and Spanish Governments for offensive opera- 
tions, by sea and land, on a scale more extensive than any as yet 

The first work of the French troops, who remained under Rocham- 
beau after the departure of their comrades, was the destruction of 
the defences which Arnold had erected at Portsmouth, which they 
razed to the ground, and of the parallels and exterior fortifications 


before the town of York, and the reparation of such of the inner lines 
as were necessary to protect the post. This accomplished, from the 
15th to the 1 8th of November, they went into winter quarters. 

Count de Rochambeau established his headquarters at Newport (Vir- 
ginia), where the winter was passed in comparative tranquility. In Janu- 
ary the weather was so cold that, according- to the diary of one of the 
officers, ink and wine froze in his room where there was a constant fire. 
On the 2d January, 1782, the French frigate La Sibylle arrived in Chesa- 
peake Bay with money and dispatches. The money in specie to the 
amount of two million livres was a boon to the colonies. The premium 
upon gold and silver fell to par. On the 8th of this month information 
was received of the capture of St. Eustacia by the Marquis de Bouille, 
and of Minorca by M. de Crillon. Advices were also received of the 
arrival in France of the Duke de Lauzun and Count William de Deux- 
Ponts with their glorious news. A special letter from the King to 
Rochambeau ordered a Te Deum to be sung in the town or camp where 
the army might be quartered, in thanks for the victory at Yorktown. 

To the French the Sibylle brought news more gladdening than that 
even of victory ; of the birth of a dauphin. After more than ten years 
of marriage, Marie Antoinette had presented to the king and the nation 
an heir to the throne. Nor was the joy confined to the French alone. The 
hearts of the Americans beat warm with sympathy for their generous 
allies, and the reception of the news was the occasion of general rejoic- 
ing. Addresses of congratulation were voted by the Legislatures of the 
several States and formally conveyed to the Chevalier de la Luzerne. 
An address on the part of the Commander-in-Chief, the Generals and offi- 
cers, was also adopted by the army and sent from the headquarters at 
West Point, to all of which the King sent gracious replies through the 
same channel. The President and Council of Pennsylvania gave a 
grand entertainment to the Ambassador on the 15th of July at Phila- 
delphia, and he in return opened his stately mansion to receive the visits 
of the dignitaries and inhabitants of the city, and numerous dinners testi- 
fied the sympathy of the people in the joy of France. 

In February, the Baron de Viomenil, whose personal affairs demanded 
his presence in France, set sail with some of the officers on board the 
frigate Hermione, commanded by M. de La Touche. On his departure 
the command fell to his brother the Vicomte de Viomenil. 

Early in the year Gen. Greene, who was before Charleston, which 
had been reinforced by three British regiments, alarmed by the 
rumor that a body of four thousand men was expected from Ireland, 


made an urgent appeal for reinforcements to Rochambeau. To this the 
Count replied, that in the uncertainty as to the destination of the rein- 
forcements from across the sea, it was his true policy to remain in his 
intermediate position, whence he might move to the northward or south- 
ward as circumstances should arise, but at the same time he cheerfully 
consented to advance General de Choisy with Lauzun's legion as far as 
the Roanoke on the North Carolina frontier. This determination was 
approved by Washington, who so advised Greene on the 18th March, and 
the next day expressed his opinion to Rochambeau that de Choisy should 
not advance beyond Charlotte Court House, a village about eighty miles to 
the southwest of Richmond. Congress was possessed of information that 
the British ministers " had done with all thoughts of an excursive war," 
that they meant to send but small if any reinforcements to America, and 
that New York would probably be the only post they would attempt to 
retain, and in this event that the Southern States would probably be soon 
evacuated. The determining results of the victory at Yorktown were 
already apparent. 

In March news came of the capture of St. Christopher by the Count 
de Grasse, and also of two engagements with Admiral Hood, in which 
the advantage was to the French. On the 25th of the same month the 
Chevalier de la Luzerne, the French ambassador, visited Williamsburg,, 
and was entertained by the officers. 

In May rumors of engagements between the Count de Grasse and 
Admiral Rodney were received, and upon a false report cannons were 
fired in token of victory by Rochambeau, but towards the close of June 
the mortifying truth arrived that, on the 12th April, Rodney had won 
an important success in the West India waters, and that seven vessels 
of the French squadron, including the admiral's ship, the Ville de Paris, 
with de Grasse himself, had fallen into his hands. The admiral made a 
gallant defense ; his decks were swept by the enemy, and when he sur- 
rendered, only himself and two of his officers were uninjured. The news 
of this disaster to the French reached Congress at the time when a propo- 
sition from Carleton, who had recently superseded Clinton in the com- 
mand of the British forces, to recognize the independence of the United 
States on condition of its renunciation of the French alliance, was before 
it. To their honor be it said, the Congress indignantly refused even to 
receive the envoy who was charged with the negotiations. 

After the disaster to the French fleet, the Marquis de Vaudreuil, on 
whom the command devolved, received orders to go to Boston for 
repairs. In view of this information, and the probability that no further 


offensive operations would be undertaken by the British, and also, of 
the fatal effects of the southern climate upon his troops, Rochambeau on 
the ist of July determined to move his army to the northward. He had 
already expressed his intention to Washington, and invited an inter- 
view at Philadelphia to consult as to further operations. Leaving his 
troops in command of Major General the Chevalier de Chastellux, the 
second in rank of the general officers, he hurried to Philadelphia, where 
Washington joined him from his headquarters at Newburgh on the 
15th July. In this conference it was agreed that in the momentary 
expectation of further advices from the French ministry the French 
army should rest a short time at Baltimore, then pursue its northerly 
march and effect a junction with the Amei ican army on the Hudson ; a 
movement which by its menace of New York would effectually check 
the weakening of the British garrison at that post by any detachment to 
the West Indies to co-operate in an attack upon the French and Spanish 

The first division of the French army, under command of the Chevalier 
de Chastellux, broke camp at Williamsburg, and began its march to 
the northward on the 23d June. Marching by night by slow stages 
and resting by day, they avoided the extreme heat, and reached 
Baltimore in good health and condition. The fourth division, con- 
sisting of the regiment of Saintonge and a detachment of artillery, 
under command of the Count de Custine, brought up the rear, leaving 
on the 4th July. The journal of M. Claude Blanchard, the commis- 
sary of the French forces, gives a minute account of the marches of this 
corps. The first day they encamped at Drinking Spring, nine miles 
from Williamsburg; 5th, at Bird's tavern; 6th, at Ratelof house; 7th, at 
New Kent; 8th, at New Castle; 9th, at Hanover town; nth, Hanover 
Court House; 12th, Burks' bridge; 13th, at Bowling Green; 14th, twelve 
miles from Fredericksburg. On the 1 5th they passed through Fredericks- 
burg, where the mother and sisters of Washington, who resided there, 
were visited by the general officers ; crossing the Rappahannock, they 
encamped at Falmouth on the opposite bank, where a hospital was estab- 
lished. Resuming their march on the 17th, they halted at Peyton's 
tavern on the 18th, at Dumfries on the 19th. Crossing the Occoqum, 
they encamped at Colchester. On the 20th they reached Alexandria, 
where Mrs. Washington, who had arrived at Mount Vernon the evening 
previous, entertained M. de Custine, and other officers to the number of 
ten, at dinner. On the 21st the division crossed the Potomac and went 
into camp at Georgetown. In his description of the route, Mr. Blanch- 


ard complains of the intense heat and general barrenness of the country, 
occasionally relieved by handsome residences, orchards and terraced 

The march through Maryland was made with the same precision. On 
the 22d the troops encamped at Bladensburg, on the 24th, at Rose tavern, 
where the country began to show marks of more careful cultivation; 
on the 25th at Spurier's tavern; and on the 27th arrived at Baltimore, 
which is described, "as, after Boston and Philadelphia, the most important 
city in America, containing from thirteen to fourteen hundred houses, 
and from eight to nine thousand inhabitants." At Baltimore they were 
soon joined by the detachment which had been left behind, under the 
orders of M. de la Valette, to bring up the artillery from York and 
Gloucester and raze those posts. Although only engaged one month in 
this work, and at its conclusion brought up the bay by water in the little 
squadron which M. de la Villebrune commanded, such was the fatal 
influence of the peninsular malaria that every man was ill, from the com- 
mander to the soldier in the ranks. On the 5th August Rochambeau held 
a grand review of the troops, the force of which amounted to about 
five thousand men, in the presence of the Governor of Maryland. 
The army appeared to great advantage, and delighted the spectators. 

The army was still reposing at Baltimore, when the news of the 
arrival of Admiral Digby, who had succeeded Rodney, in New York, 
and of preparations for an expedition against the French islands, deter- 
mined Rochambeau to march at once to join Washington on the 
banks of the Hudson. The order and discipline of the French during 
their stay in Baltimore excited the admiration and won the affec- 
tions of the citizens. The merchants waited upon Rochambeau with an 
address of gratitude in which they dwell upon this unexpected feature 
in military occupation, and take pains to declare that had the prejudice 
against the French nation, pertinaciously attributed by the English to 
Americans, been real, his residence and that of the army was of itself 
sufficient to obliterate any such impressions from the minds of either 
nation. To this Rochambeau replied in fitting terms, thanking them for 
the politeness they had shown in opening their houses for the reception 
of himself and his troops. 

The march northward was made by the French troops in the same 
order and by the same route which they had taken in their southerly direc- 
tion the preceding summer. Leaving Baltimore on the 27th August, they 
took their route through Head of Elk, Chester, Wilmington and Brandy- 
wine. Lauzun's legion, which formed the advance guard, passed through 


Philadelphia on Friday, the 30th of August. Saturday it was followed by 
the regiment de Bourbonnais, on Sunday by the Royal Deux Ponts, Mon- 
day by the regiment de Soissonnais, and Tuesday, 3d September, the 
regiment de Saintonge brought up the rear, and proceeded on the same 
route. The report of this march in the Pennsylvania Packet of the 3d 
September pays an admirable tribute to that discipline which Franklin 
records in his memoirs as remarkable in its character. " It may perhaps 
be useless," says a writer in the Pennsylvania paper, "to repeat the 
encomiums which have been so often bestowed on these truly veteran 
corps by the inhabitants of the extensive countries through which they 
have passed; but we will venture to assure the public that in no similar 
instance within our knowledge have the rights of the citizens been so 
critically observed as by this army; not a complaint of any kind having 
been exhibited or even barely mentioned by the people in the vicinity of 
their camp or in the course of their long marches." On the 6th the 
march was pursued to Trenton, where the army, until then divided into 
four, was concentrated into two divisions. Crossing the Delaware, the 
main body marched behind the cover of the Pompton Hills, while 
Lauzun's legion, under command of M. Robert Dillon, marched at the 
foot of their eastern slope on a parallel line, watching the movements 
of the British in New York. This careful military formation was 
maintained until they reached the banks of the Hudson. On the 10th 
the legion passed through Chatham, attracting attention by their martial 
appearance. Reaching the Haverstraw heights, overlooking the Hudson, 
on the 1 6th, the first division went into camp, and the same action was 
taken by the others as they arrived until the whole body was gathered, 
when on the 19th September they crossed the river at Kings Ferry. 
Here at Verplanck's point, on the opposite bank of the river, Wash- 
ington's army was waiting to receive them. They had moved down the 
Hudson by boats on the 31st August, the first important water trans- 
portation made by the American army in the course of the war. 

Rochambeau and his suite, preceding the troops to confer with Wash- 
ington, crossed the river on the 7th September. He was saluted on his 
approach by the American army drawn up in two lines fronting each 
■other and extending from the ferry to headquarters. At headquarters 
he was received by Washington, and the entire army denied before him* 
saluting him as they passed. 

The French army on its passage was received with the same military 
ceremony by the American troops, which were drawn up at the head 
of their camp in two ranks, their formation extending two miles. On 


this occasion the Americans were, for the first time since the beginning" 
of the war, completely uniformed and armed, partly with the clothing 
received from France and partly with the stores of Cornwallis which 
had been entirely abandoned to their use. Bv Washington's order the 
American drummers beat a French march. The French officers remarked 
the admirable drill of the American army, even of the raw recruits, 
with surprise. The parade was concluded by a dinner, at which ninety 
of the officers were entertained. An eye-witness, describing the scene, 
savs " that affection, esteem and cordiality were equally visible in the 
countenances of the French officers and of the Americans, their com- 
panions in war and glory. Never were two nations better formed for 
allies. Never did a generous nation exercise their virtue towards allies 
more grateful or reputable." His wishes have been realized, his pre- 
dictions fulfilled. The standards which were then entwined in amity 
have never been opposed in strife. The allies of the last century are the 
cordial friends of this. At the close of the entertainment the French 
marched to Peekskill and went into camp. The bulk of the American 
force lav at Peekskill ; the advance guard at the mouth of the Croton. 
The French corps took a military position at Crompond in the moun- 
tain, Lauzun's legion on the heights of the Croton. From this position 
the two armies could in one march reach New York, and their patrols 
extended from the sound on the Connecticut coast to the bank of the 

On the 20th September news reached the camp of the arrival of the 
frigate La Gloire, commanded by the Chevalier de Valonge, at Phila- 
delphia. She brought back the Duke de Lauzun, the Baron de Vio- 
menil and the Marquis de Laval, all of whom had served in the late 
campaign, and visited France after the capitulation of Yorktown, and 
with them a bevy of young noblemen, who came to America for the 
first time to witness the scene of the fame of their companions, and of 
their country's glory. These were the Prince de Broglie, the Marquis 
de Segur, Messrs. de Scheldon and de Lomenie, the Chevalier Charles de 
Lameth, the Baron de Montesquieu, the Yicomte de Vaudreuil, M. de 
Poleresky and M. de Lijliorn, an aide-de-camp of the King of Sweden. 
The Gloire left France in consort with the frigate L'Aigle, commanded 
by the Count de la Touche, under whose orders both vessels sailed. 
The passage was eventful. Its romantic incidents are graphically related 
by the Count de Segur in his memoirs, and by the Prince de Broglie in 
a narrative, which was first made public, in a translation by Mr. Balch, 
[Magazine of American History, I. 1S0]. The vessels touched at 


Angra in the Azores, where the gay gallants had a series of adventures, 
the story of which reads more like the libretto of a comic opera than a 
relation of real life. But the delightful scent of the lemon trees, and the 
gay music of the fandango, were soon followed by the intoxicating odor 
of powder and the crash of ball. Off the Banks of Newfoundland the con- 
sorts fell in with the Hector man-of-war of 74 guns, one of the prizes Rod- 
ney captured from de Grasse. A hot contest ensued, in which the Hector 
was badly crippled, but other sail appearing, the French commander, 
remembering his mission, turned his course southward. The French ves- 
sels bore away marks of the encounter, but the Hector was so roughly 
used that she foundered at sea soon after, and all hands perished. Com- 
pelled to anchor off the capes of the Delaware while searching for a 
pilot, the French vessels were overtaken by an English squadron. 
Raising their anchors, they hastily entered the Delaware without a 
pilot. Mistaking the true channel, the Aigle grounded, and the Gloire 
was brought to anchor. A council of war was held on board the Aigle, 
when the Baron de Viomenil ordered the officers to take to the boats, 
and follow him to land, and sent ashore the specie which was on board, 
amounting to two millions five hundred thousand livres. The Gloire 
escaped, but the Aigle was pillaged and broken up by the boats' crews 
of the British squadron. In his report to the Marquis de Segur the 
Baron de Viomenil gives a graphic account of the danger to which the 
specie was exposed, and accords high praise to the Duke de Lauzun for 
his extraordinary energy on the occasion. Although suffering for 
twenty days from a low fever, he roused himself, and by his personal 
efforts collected a sufficient number of the militia of the country to pro- 
tect the progress of the boats which carried the specie and despatches. 
The Gloire reached the city in safety. 

The orders of the King brought by the Aigle were that, if 
the English had evacuated New York and Charleston, or even one of 
these places, the Count de Rochambeau should embark his army on 
board the French fleet and send it to St. Domingo in charge of a general 
officer, there to be placed under the orders of Don Galvez, the commander 
of the land forces destined to take part in a combined expedition of the 
French and Spaniards against the English posts in the West Indies. 
The probability increasing that the British were on the point of evacu- 
ating Charleston, and the winter being too near at hand for any hope of 
a successful operation against New York, Rochambeau concluded that 
the time had arrived to obey the orders of the King, which he had 
already, with military judgment, anticipated by his movement to the 


northward. He accordingly wrote to the Marquis de Vaudreuil that 
he would march his army to Boston to embark. In reply, the Marquis 
fixed the 8th of November as the day for their arrival. On the 22d of 
October Rochambeau, with the first division, left the camp at Crom- 
pond, followed by the second division the day following. The 23d the 
first division halted at Salem. On the 24th the weather was so cold that 
some of the officers dismounted and marched on foot. The route of the 
army was that taken on the southern march the year before ; through 
Ridgebury to Danbury, where they halted on the 24th ; on the 25th, at New- 
town ; on the 27th they moved to Breakneck ; on the 28th, they reached 
Baron's Tavern, in the fertile valley of the Housatonic, where the 
troops found an abundance of straw, of which they were in great need. 
On the 29th a halt was made at Farmington, and the next day at Hart- 
ford. During the entire march of the army through Connecticut the 
conduct of the inhabitants was most praiseworthy. Informed of their 
approach, Governor Trumbull issued a proclamation inviting the inhab- 
itants to supply the French commissaries with all that they required 
without addition to the usual price of provisions or other articles 
needed. Here the officers found M. de Tarle, Intendant (Quartermaster) 
of the French army, who informed the commissaries of the dispositions for 
the embarkment. The weather of the last days of October is described 
as frightful, with heavy wind and continual rain. At Hartford Rocham- 
beau made his final dispositions. The Baron de Viomenil and the 
Vicomte, his brother, were assigned to the command of the two brigades 
of infantry and that part of the artillery destined for the Antilles. To the 
Duke de Lauzun were entrusted the troops which were to remain in Amer- 
ica at the disposition of Washington, and to M. de la Valette the charge 
of the siege artillery, which still remained at Baltimore. These arrange- 
ments completed, he set out on the morning of the 30th for Boston. 
At the moment of departure Rochambeau received a letter from M. 
de Vaudreuil, expressing his regret at having fixed the date of departure 
as early as the 8th, the repairs to the men-of-war at Portsmouth not 
yet being completed, and postponing the embarkation till the 20th 

The army again took up its line of march on the 4th November. 
On the 5th it halted at Bolton ; the 6th at Windham ; the 8th at Can- 
terbury and on the 9th at Watertown. On the 10th the troops 
halted on the west bank of Providence river, and on the nth 
passed through the city and encamped upon their old ground on the 
heights, about a league from the city. The entire force was quartered 


in barracks until news was received that the fleet was ready. The 
weather was excessively rough, with continued falls of snow and rain, and 
the troops suffered severely. Rochambeau took pains to divert their 
attention and gave a number of entertainments to his officers and the 
inhabitants of Providence in the public hall. The artillery was the first 
to move and reached Boston on the 18th November. On the 28th 
November the Count de Rochambeau bade adieu to his army, which he 
placed under the sole command of the Baron de Viomenil, and accom- 
panied by the Chevalier de Chastellux, M. de Choisy, M. de Beville and 
some members of the staff, he left Providence and set out for the 
Chesapeake, where the frigate Emeraude, which was to convey 
him to France, was awaiting his return. His intention was to have- 
sailed from Boston, but he seems to have been unwilling to detach a 
vessel from the French squadron, already crowded to its full capa- 
city by the heavy armament of men, munitions and supplies. The 
Count de Fersen, in his recently published narrative, bears testimony 
to the regret of the entire army at the departure of their old commander. 
In the long and severe campaign they had learned, first to fear and respect 
him for his severe but even discipline, then to admire him for his admir- 
able military qualities, and at last to love him as a father and a friend. On 
the 1st December the army left the Providence barracks, halting succes- 
sively at Attleborough, Wrentham and Dedham, and passing through 
Roxbury they arrived at Boston, successively, on the 3d, 4th and 5th, 
in weather so fine that Dr. Miles Cooper was moved to say of it: 
" Heaven smiles upon the troops of France." Their reception at the 
capital of the Puritan commonwealth was worthy of the ancient city. 
On the nth December a committee appointed by the citizens in 
town meeting, Samuel Adams, Moderator, waited in person on the 
Baron de Viomenil with an address, to which he made suitable reply ; 
and in the afternoon a public dinner was given by the Governor and 
Council to the general and field officers of the French army, the Marquis 
de Vaudreuil and the officers of the fleet. 

The troops were embarked, and the fleet was finally ready to 
sail. On the 23d M. de Viomenil went on board the Triomphant, and on 
the 24th the whole squadron, ten vessels, three of 80 and seven of 74 
guns (in all 758 guns), and four thousand men, sailed out of the bay. 
The Baron de Viom6nil had not omitted to address a letter of farewell 
to Washington, and before leaving port was honored with a reply (7th 
December, 1782) from the commander-in-chief, thanking him for the 
essential services he had assisted in rendering to the country, assuring 


him of his esteem for his many great and amiable qualities, and engag- 
ing to correspond with him on any subjects of interest as they arose. 
Detaining his letter till the 12th, Washington added a postscript, explain- 
ing the reason, why he had deemed it prudent neither to take a public 
leave of himself nor to express his thanks to the army, to have been the 
secret destination of the expedition, but now that the movement was no 
longer to be concealed, he desired the Baron to express to the officers 
and the men his warm interest in whatever concerned their honor and 
glory, and his ardent wish that victory should attend them wherever the 
orders of their sovereign should direct their arms. The destination 
of the fleet, which was kept secret by M. de Vaudreuil until the close of 
January, was Porto Cabello, in the province of Caraccas, New Spain. 
Encountering heavy weather, and the sailing qualities of the ships differ- 
ing greatly, which has been well observed to have been the chief cause 
of many of the disasters which befell the French navy in her struggle 
for maritime supremacy in the last century, the vessels of the squadron 
became separated. The Duke de Bourgogne struck upon a sand bank, 
two leagues from the coast of the Spanish main, on the 3d February, 
1783. Its commander, all its officers, and a large part of its crew and 
troops, perished in attempting to reach the land. Four hundred lives 
were lost; three hundred who had remained on board were taken 
off in the last extremity of suffering and starvation, as the vessel was 
sinking in the sand. The squadron rendezvoused in March at Cape 
Francois, and remained in these waters until the 1st April, when the 
Marquis de Vaudreuil received orders to return to France. On the 
morning of the 17th June the lookout from the masthead of the 
Northumberland, on which M. de Vaudreuil had re-embarked with the 
Baron de Viomenil and his staff, cried out, " land," and in the after- 
noon the ship sailed into the harbor of Brest. 

The Count de Rochambeau, after bidding his troops farewell, 
journeyed southward with his staff. Passing through Newburg on the 
7th December, he visited Washington at his headquarters, and remained 
with him until the 14th December ; upon his leaving camp, Washington 
addressed to him (14th Dec.) a letter of warmest thanks, expressing his 
admiration for his services and his great personal attachment, respect 
and regard. At Philadelphia the President of Congress handed to him 
the resolutions of Congress of January 1st, 1783. After his departure 
Washington wrote him a further letter, 29th December, 1782, an- 
nouncing the dispatch of the two cannon which had been voted to 
him by Congress, upon which suitable devices and inscriptions had been 


engraved. They did not reach the city until after he had left it, but in 
his acknowledgment to Washington of his final courtesy he informed 
him that he had given them in charge to the Chevalier de la Luzerne, to 
be kept till after the peace, when they could be carried over in perfect 
safety. These parting lines were written at Annapolis, as the vessel 
which was to convey him to the Emeraude was getting under sail. 

The British Admiral in New York, informed of the journey of the 
Count from Boston to Philadelphia and its motive, could not permit 
such an illustrious prize to escape him without an effort for his capture, 
and sent out the Lion, a ship of the line and two fast frigates, to 
cruise off the capes of the Chesapeake, to intercept the Emeraude. 
The Count was aware of the danger, but trusted to get out under 
the cover of the night when a strong breeze should be blowing. 
The Emeraude went out on Jan. 14th with a strong northwest wind. 
Hardly had she reached the offing before she was seen and chased. 
In the night she changed her course. In the morning the British 
were still in sight. The chase lasted for thirty hours, and twice 
the pursuers w r ere within cannon shot of the pursued. Finally M. de 
Querin, who commanded the French frigate, threw overboard his spare 
masts and some of his upper tier of cannon, and, thus lightened, escaped. 
He regretted the loss of his timber in the heavy storm which he encoun- 
tered later, but, fortune favoring, the ship arrived safely at Nantes, 
where the Count learned that peace had been signed. 

Immediately upon his arrival the Count de Rochambeau went up to 
Versailles, Avhere he was received by the King with marks of the 
highest distinction. To him the King ascribed the honor of the cap- 
ture of Cornwallis, the result of which would probably be a peace. 
Rochambeau asked permission to share this praise with the Count de 
Grasse, without whose assistance the event was impossible. The King 
replied that he was well aware of the services the admiral had rendered 
on that occasion, but that he must withhold his judgment until the 
inquiry upon his subsequent disaster was terminated. The next day the 
privilege of the King's apartments was given to Rochambeau ; he was 
named Chevalier of the Order of St. Louis, with the blue ribband at the 
next promotion, and was promised the government of the first province 
which should become vacant. He succeeded to that of Picardy the next 
year. The Baron de Viomenil was made Lieutenant-General, MM. de 
Choisy and de Beville, the Count de Custine, the Duke de Lauzun, the Duke 
de Laval, M. de Rostaing, the Count d'Autichamp, received the appoint- 
ment of Marechal-de-Camp, and MM. d'Aboville, Desandrouin, de la Val- 


lette, the Baron de l'Estrade, M. du Portail and the Marquis de Deux- 
Ponts that of Brigadier. All the Colonels-en-second were promoted to 
commands of regiments. The Vicomte de Rochambeau received the 
order of Chevalier of St. Louis and Mestre-de-Camp, first of the regiment 
of Saintonge and subsequently of that of Royal Auvergne. Many other 
favors were bestowed upon the officers, and the soldiers were not for- 
gotten, receiving two months' pay as a reward for their services. 

When the army left the camp at Crompond on the close of October, 
Lauzun remained behind with his legion. On the 27th he also broke 
camp, and, crossing the Hudson, marched to the State of Delaware. 
The American army had already been moved to their winter canton- 
ments, and Washington had again established his headquarters at New- 
burg before the legion took up its line of march. The French troops 
which remained in America under the command of Lauzun consisted 
of fifteen hundred men, including the siege artillery, four hundred men 
detached from the different regiments and four hundred sick. His head- 
quarters were, by order of Rochambeau, established at Wilmington, in 
the State of Delaware. Lauzun divided his time between the camp 
and Philadelphia. In his memoirs he complains of the noise of the 
city as insupportable to him, and in the middle of the winter he paid 
a visit to Newport, where he was received by his old friends, the 
Hunter family, with whom he lodged during the stay of the army in 
the summer of 1780. It is pleasant to note the satisfaction with 
which he speaks of the quiet and peaceful life he led in this 
agreeable household, and of his gratitude for their attentions. There 
he received news of the peace, and leaving the town with ■ regret, he 
returned to Philadelphia, stopping on the way at Newburg to pay a 
farewell visit to Washington, who received him with favor and dis- 

This is not the place to venture a vindication of the reputation of 
Lauzun from the cloud under which it has rested since the publication 
of the memoirs which pass as written by himself. At the time of their 
publication, in 1821, Talleyrand denied their authenticity, paying high 
tribute to his character; and no one can read the letters of de Fersen to 
his father without a recognition of Lauzun's many noble traits and a 
belief that De Fersen, the chivalrous adorer of Mai'ie Antoinette, 
could not have maintained such intimate relations with Lauzun, had he, 
as is asserted in the apocryphal memoirs, already lost her favor by his 
impertinence and his indiscretion. No doubt Lauzun left autobio- 
graphical notes from which the memoir was compiled The narrative 



and their prudent orders were faithfully obeyed by the commander-in- 
chief. Rochambeau set the example in a deferential subordination to 
the orders of Washington, and the high spirited gentlemen of his com- 
mand by their personal amenity, and the troops by their temper and 
discipline, first broke the hesitation, then won the affections of the popu- 
lation with whom they encamped, and through which they marched, 
until at the close it may be said that the alliance was not only a political 
but an actual fact. The prejudices of centuries had finally disappeared, 
and France and America were not only allied, but friendly nations. 

In the century that has elapsed, the friendship cemented at York- 
town has known no waning. A closer assimilation of political institu- 
tions each year tightens its bonds, and the alliance remains an example 
to the world, that in the brotherhood of man a perfect amity may be 
established and maintained between nations which have been separated 
by centuries of prejudice and of strife. 


Note. — This sketch is the last of the studies on the services of the French in America in the 
struggle for independence. The first, the French in Rhode Island, 1780-1781, appeared in the 
July number, 1879. The second, the operations of the allied armies before New York, I78i,in 
January, 1880; the third, the route of the allies from Kings Ferry to the Head of Elk in July, 
1880; the fourth, the allies at Yorktown in January, 1881. Each article illustrated with portraits, 
maps and a full appendix. 


In the Year 1781 

From Abbt Robin's Nouveau Voyage dans V ' Amerique Septentrionale 


II to 20 
25, 26 















From Newport, R. I. 

To Providence 


To Waterman 

To Plainfield 

To Windham 

To Bolton 

To East Hartford 


To Farmington... . ... 

To Baron's Tavern. . . . 

To Breakneck 

To Newtown 


To Ridgebury. . . 
To North Castle 

To Philipsburg . 

To Xorthcastle 

To Crompond 

To King's Ferry. . . . 

To Stony Point 

To Sufferns 

To Pompton 

To Whippany 


To Bullion's Tavern. 

I s 

















To Somerset 

To Princeton 

To Trenton 

To Lion Tavern 

To Philadelphia 


To Chester 

To Newport 

To Head of Elk 

To Susquehanna Ferry. . . 

To Burk's Tavern 

To White Marsh 

To Baltimore , 


To Spire 

To Coath , 

To Annapolis 

Halt until the 21st, when 
sail was made on Chesa- 
peake Bay for Jamestown 

5 s 


25 To Jamestown. . . 

26 To Williamsburg. 
Before York 

Total miles 

Total Encampments. 


I 2 






I 7 S 










Headquarters, 20 October, 1781 

The surrender of York, from which so great 
glory and advantage are derived to the allies, 
and the honor of which belongs to your Excel- 
lency, has greatly anticipated our most sanguine 
expectations. Certain of this event under your 
auspices, though unable to determine the time, 
I solicited your attention, in the first conference 
with which you honored me, to ulterior objects 
of decisive importance to the common cause. 
Although your answer on that occasion was un- 
favorable to my wishes, the unexpected prompt- 
ness, with which our operations here have been 
conducted to their final success, having gained 
us time, the defect of which was one of your 
principal objections, a conviction of the most 
extensive and happy consequences engages me 
to renew my representation. 

Charleston, the principal maritime port of the 
British in the southern parts of the Continent, 
the grand deposit and point of support for the 
present theatre of war, is open to a combined 
attack, and might be carried with as much cer- 
tainty as the place which has just surrendered. 
This capture would destroy the last hope which 
induces the enemy to continue the war ; for, 
having experienced the impracticability of re- 
covering the populous western States, they have 
determined to confine themselves to the defensive 
in that quarter, and prosecute a most vigorous 
offensive at the southward, with a view of re- 
conquering States whose sparse population and 
natural disadvantages render them infinitely less 
susceptible of defence, although their produc- 
tions made them the most valuable in a com- 
mercial view. Their general naval superiority, 
previous to your arrival, gave them decisive 
advantages in the rapid transport of their troops 
and supplies, while the immense land marches of 
our succours, too tardy and expensive in every 
point of view, subjected us to be beaten in 

It will depend upon your Excellency, there- 

fore, to terminate the war, and enable the allies 
to dictate the law in a treaty. A campaign, so 
glorious and so fertile in consequences, could 
be only reserved for the Count de Grasse. It 
rarely happens that such a combination of means, 
as are in our hands at present, can be seasonably 
obtained by the most strenuous human exertions; 
a decisively superior fleet, the fortune and tal- 
ents of whose commanders overawe all the naval 
force that the most strenuous efforts of the 
enemy have been able to collect ; the army, 
flushed with success, demanding only to be con- 
ducted to new attacks ; and the very season 
which is proper for operating against the points 
in question. 

If, upon entering into the detail of this expe- 
dition your Excellency should determine it im- 
practicable, there is an object, which, though 
subordinate to that above mentioned, is of capital 
importance to our Southern operations, and may 
be effected at infinitely less expense ; I mean the 
enemy's post at Wilmington in North Carolina. 
Circumstances require that I should at this period 
reinforce the southern army under General 
Greene. This reinforcement, transported by sea 
under your convoy, would enable us to carry the 
post in question with very little difficulty, and 
would wrest from the Eritish a point of support 
in North Carolina, which is attended with the 
most dangerous consequence to us, and liberate 
another State. This object would require noth- 
ing more than the convoy of your fleet to the 
point of operation, and the protection of the de- 

I entreat your Excellency's attention to the 
points which I have the honor of laying before 
you, and that you will be pleased at the same 
time to inform me what are your dispositions for 
a maritime force to be left on the American 
Station. I have the honor to be, &c, 

George Washington 
The Count De Grasse 

Report On board the Ville de Paris 

28 October, 1781 
-The Count de Grasse would be happy to be 
able to make the expedition to Charleston, all the 
advantages of which he feels ; but the orders 
of his court, ulterior projects, and his engage- 



ments with the Spaniards, render it impossible 
to remain here the necessary time for this ope- 
ration. His wish to serve the United States is 
such, that he desires to enter into engagements 
for a cooperation during the next campaign, as 
far as the plans of the Court will permit. The 
expedition to Wilmington requiring less time, 
the Count de Grasse would undertake to conduct 
to that place a detachment of two thousand 
Americans. As to the manner of operating, it 
may be determined according to the particular 
information that we shall collect. It will be 
necessary immediately to have pilots, persons 
well acquainted with the country, with whom 
the Count de Grasse would desire to converse as 
soon as possible, in order to give his answer 
definitely. The American troops must be fur- 
nished with their own provisions, the naval army 
having none to spare. The Count de Grasse 
gives us leave to make use of the vessels in York 
River. The Loyalist, the Queen Charlotte and 
the Cormorant have been sold to the State of 
Virginia, but the Count De Grasse does not think 
he will be able to embark the American troops on 
board his ships of the line. How then shall we 
provide sailors to man the other vessels ? The 
Count has fifteen American sailors. There are 
some small armed vessels. 

If, after having seen the persons acquainted 
with the coast, the Count de Grasse thinks he 
shall be able to take the troops on board his 
line-of-battle ships, and debark them without 
danger, then it will be useless to take the 
transports. If frigates can run into a con- 
venient place, then the troops will be em- 
barked on board of frigates. The day of de- 
parture to be the first of November, or if pos- 
sible, sooner. 

[His Excellency General Washington] 


Head Quarters, 28 October, 1781 

Your Excellency did me the honor to mention 
in one of your letters, and subsequently in the 
note transmitted by the Marquis de Lafayette, 
that, from a desire to serve the United States, 
your Excellency would enter into engagements 
for such cooperations the next campaign, as 

should not be incompatible with the orders of 
your court. This offer is too essential to the 
interests of the common cause not to be embraced 
by me with the greatest eagerness, while it 
claims my warmest acknowledgments for the 
continuance of your friendly disposition towards 
America. As it is impossible at this distance of. 
time to determine whether it will be most advan- 
tageous for the allies to open the campaign with 
the siege of New York, and thence proceed 
to Charleston, or make Charleston the leading 
operation, I take the liberty of proposing to 
your Excellency the following general disposi- 
tions as equally applicable to either ; namely, 
that your Excellency would assemble a decisive 
naval superiority in the Bay of Chesapeake, to- 
wards the end of May, from which central 
position we might easily transport ourselves for 
a reunion of our means against whichever of the 
maritime points above mentioned circumstances 
should render it most advisable to attack first. 
With your Excellency, I need not insist either 
upon the indispensable necessity of a maritime 
force capable of giving you an absolute ascend- 
ancy in these seas, nor enlarge upon the advan- 
tages which must be derived from anticipating 
the British in opening the campaign, next to the 
immediate prosecution of our present successes 
with the union of superior means now in our 
power, and which would infallibly terminate the 
war at one stroke. 

The plan, which I have the honor to submit 
to your Excellency, is that which appears to me 
most likely to accomplish the great objects of 
the alliance. You will have observed, that, 
whatever efforts are made by the land armies, 
the navy must have the casting vote in the 
present contest. The court of France are con- 
vinced of it, and have declared their resolotion 
to give this indispensable succour. The trium- 
phant manner in which your Excellency has 
maintained the mastery of the American seas, 
and the glory of the French flag, lead both 
nations to look to you as the arbiter of the war. 
Public and private motives make me most ar- 
dently wish that the next campaign may be 
calculated to crown all your former victories. I 
entreat your Excellency to be persuaded of my 
regard for your glory, and of the sincere friend- 



ship with which 
my dear General, 

I shall invariably continue, 

Georgk Washington 
rhe Count de Grasse 




Mount Vernon, Virginia 

15th November, 1 781 
My dear Marquis 

Not till the 5th instant was I able to leave 
York. Engaged in providing for the detach- 
ment that was to go southerly, embarking the 
troops that were to proceed northerly, making a 
distribution of the ordnance and stores for 
various purposes, and disposing of the officers 
and other prisoners to their respective places of 
destination, I could not leave that part of the 
country sooner. 

On that day I arrived at Eltham, the seat of 
Colonel Bassett, time enough to see poor Mr. 
Custis breathe his last. This unexpected and 
affecting event threw Mrs. Washington and Mrs. 
Custis, who were both present, into such deep 
distress, that the circumstance of it and a duty I 
owed the deceased in assisting at his funeral, 
prevented my reaching this place till the 13th; 
and business here and on the road will put it out 
of my power to arrive at Philadelphia before the 
last days of the present month. 

As this may extend to a later period than your 
business in that city may require, I owe it to your 
friendship and to my affectionate regard for you, 
my dear Marquis, not to let you leave this 
country without carrying with you fresh marks 
of my attachment to you, and new expressions 
of the high sense I entertain of your military 
conduct and other important services in the 
course of the last campaign, although the latter 
are too well known to need the testimony of my 
approbation, and the former I persuade myself, 
you believe, is too well riveted to undergo dimi- 
nution or change. 

As you expressed a desire to know my senti- 
ments respecting the operation of the next cam- 
paign before your departure for F ranee, I will 

without a tedious display of reasoning, declare 
in one word, that the advantage of it to America, 
and the honor and glory of it to the allied arms 
in these States, must depend absolutely upon the 
naval force which is employed in these seas, and 
the time of its appearance next year. No land 
force can act decisively unless it is accompanied 
by a maritime superiority ; nor can more than nega- 
tive advantages be expected without it. For proof 
of this, we have only to recur to the instances of 
the ease and facility with which the British 
shifted their ground, as advantages were to be 
obtained at either extremity of the continent, 
and to their late heavy loss the moment they 
failed in their naval superiority. To point out 
the further advantages which might have been 
obtained in the course of this year, if Count de 
Grasse could have waited, and would have or- 
dered further operations to the southward, is 
unnecessary ; because a doubt did not exist, nor 
does it at this moment, in any man's mind, of 
the total extirpation of the British force in the 
Carolinas and Georgia, if he could have extended 
his cooperation two months longer. 

It follows then, as certain as night succeeds 
the day, that without a decisive naval force we 
can do nothing defensive, and with it every thing 
honorable and glorious. A constant naval 
superiority would terminate the war speedily; 
without it, I do not know that it will ever be 
terminated honorably. If this force should ap- 
pear early, we shall have the whole campaign be- 
fore us. The months from June to September, in- 
clusive, are well adapted for operating in any of 
the States to the northward of this; and the re- 
maining months are equally suited to those 
south ; in which time, with such means, I 
think much, I will add every thing, might be 

How far the policy of Congress may carry 
them towards filling the continental battalions 
does not lie with me to determine. This meas- 
ure, before and since the capitulation, has been 
strongly recommended by me. Should it be 
adopted by that body, and executed with energy 
in the several States, I think our force, compre- 
hending the auxiliary troops now here, will be 
fully competent to all purposes of the American 
war, provided the British force on this continent 



remains nearly as it now is. But this is a contin- 
gency which depends very much upon political 
manoeuvres in Europe ; and, as it is uncertain 
how far we may be in a state of preparation at 
the opening of the next campaign, the propriety 
of augmenting the present army under the com- 
mand of Count de Rochambeau is a question 
worthy of consideration; but as it lies with Con- 
gress to determine, I shall be silent on the sub- 

If I should be deprived of the pleasure of a 
personal interview with you before your depart- 
ure, permit me to adopt this method of making 
you a tender of my ardent vows for a propitious 
voyage, a gracious reception from your prince, 
an honorable reward for your services, a happy 
meeting with your lady and friends, and a safe 
return in the spring to, my dear Marquis, your 
affectionate friend, etc. 

George Washington 

The Marquis de Lafayette 

P. S. I beg you to present my best respects 
to the Viscount de Noailles, and let him know 
that my warmest wishes attend him. 

29th November, 1781 
My dear General 

Inclosed you will find some numbers, a copy 
of which I have kept, and which contain some 
names that may probably occur in our corres- 
pondence. I need not tell you, my dear General, 
that I shall be happy in giving you every intelli- 
gence in my power, and reminding you of the 
most affectionate friend you can ever have. The 
goodness you had to take upon yourself the com- 
municating to the Virginia army the approbation 
of Congress, appears much better to me than my 
writing to the scattered parts of the body I had 
the honor to command. Give me leave, my dear 
General, to recall to your memory the peculiar 
situation of the troops, who, being already in 
Virginia, were deprived of the month's pay given 
to the others. Should it be permitted to do 
something for them, it would give them great 

I will have the honor to write to you from 
Boston, my dear General, and should be sorry to 
think this is my last letter. Accept, however, 

once more, the homage of the respect and of the 
affection that render me forever 

Your most obedient servant and tender friend, 

To General George Washington 

P. S. I beg you will present my respects to 
Mrs. Washington, and my compliments to George 
and the family. Will you be so kind, my dear 
general, as to remember me to Mr. and Mrs. 

Alliance, off Boston, 21st Dec, 1781 
My dear General 

I am sorry to think we are not yet gone, and 
there remain still some doubts of our going to- 
morrow. This delay I lament, not so much on 
private accounts, as I do on account of our next 
campaign, in the planning of which your opinion, 
as I shall deliver it, must be of the greatest use 
to the common cause. As to the department of 
Foreign Affairs, I shall be happy to justify the 
confidence of the Congress, by giving my opin- 
ion to the best of my ability, whenever it is asked 
for. But the affairs of finances will, I fear, be a 
difficult point for the American minister, in 
which, however, I shall be happy to help him 
with my utmost exertion. The moment I arrive 
in France I will write to you minutely how things 
stand, and give you the best accounts in my 

I have received every mark of affection in 
Boston, and am much attached to this town, to 
which I owe so many obligations; but, from 
public considerations, I have been impatient to 
leave it and go on board the frigate, where I re- 
ceive all possible civilities, but where I had rather 
be under sail than at anchor. 

I beg your pardon, my dear General, for giving 
you so much trouble in reading my scrawls ; but 
we are going to sail, and my last adieu I must 
dedicate to my beloved General. I know your 
heart so well that I am sure that no distance can 
alter your attachment to me. With the same 
candor, I assure you that my love, my respect, 
my gratitude for you, are above expression; that 
at the moment of leaving you, I felt more than 
ever the strength of those friendly ties that for- 
ever bind me to you, and that I anticipate the 
pleasure, the most wished for pleasure, to be 



again with you, and by my zeal and services to 
gratify the feelings of my respect and affection. 
Will you be pleased to present my compliments 
and respects to Mrs. Washington, and to remem- 
ber me to General Knox and General Lincoln. 
Adieu, my dear General. 

Your respectful and tender friend 

To General George Washington 





Williamsburg, 5th February, 1782 

The legion of Lauzun had begun to march 
when very cold weather came on, and the ground 
was covered with snow six inches deep. As, by 
the intelligence I had from your excellency, and 
those I got from the flag, it appears that the re- 
inforcements from New York for Charleston does 
not exceed thirteen hundred men, I have not 
judged this rapid movement of the legion quite 
necessary, when, in these melted snows, all its 
equipments, both of horse and foot, would have 
utterly spoiled; and therefore have ordered it 
into quarters again, until the weather be milder. 
In the meantime, I hope I shall receive your Ex- 
cellency's answer. 

The news I had from New York by the 
flag are, that all the men-of-war under sixty-four 
are gone, a month since, to join Admiral Hood; 
that there remain only at New York the Lion, 
commanded by Digby, some fifty and forty gun 
ships, and several frigates. That is quite suffi- 
cient to keep the Romulus in awe. They brag, 
likewise, at New York, of an immediate large 
reinforcement from Ireland, with the same par- 
ticulars of two regiments of dismounted 
dragoons. Though I have not the least faith in 
it, I believe it would be necessary before we 
come to any resolution, to know whether this 
storm will take its direction to the northward or 
towards the south. It is the same report which 
was spread in Charleston, and which has 
alarmed General Greene. 

As your Excellency's answer might be long 
coming, by reason of the rivers being full of 

floating ice, and of our not having had any inter- 
course with the Northern States this fortnight 
past, I have resolved to send back to New York 
all the convalescents which it will be possible to 
assemble, that they may be exchanged against 
our convalescents of the West India brigade 
taken in the Bonetta. I believe it will be better 
for both to return among their countrymen there 
to receive the assistance they stand in need of. 
I am, with respect and personal attachment, sir, 
Your excellency's most obedient humble servant, 


His Excellency, George Washington 

Philadelphia, 9th February, 1782 

I have been honored with your excellency's 
favor of the 12th and 22d ultimo, the latter en- 
closing copies of General Greene's letter to you 
and your answer. After informing you that I 
concur with you in opinion that it would be poli- 
tic at this moment to move a detachment from 
your main body to the southward, permit me to 
assure you that I very sensibly feel your goodness 
in determining to advance the legion as soon as 
possible to the frontiers of North Carolina. I 
have only to request that the commanding officer 
may have orders to proceed further or not as cir- 
cumstances may require. The move of the 
legion will be perplexing to the enemy; and, as 
it has been heretofore the advance corps of 
your army, you may, I think, give out, and it will 
carry with it strong marks of probability, that 
your whole army is to follow as soon as the 
weather will admit of the march. Supposing the 
enemy should receive the reinforcements from 
Ireland, I do not imagine that they will, after 
the many severe blows they have felt from plung- 
ing themselves into the country, march to any 
great distance from Charleston; especially if they 
consider that, while France has a naval super- 
iority in the West Indian or American seas, a 
body of troops might be easily thrown in be- 
tween them and the town, whereby their ruin 
would be inevitable. 

It would certainly be our true interest, if it 
could be done, to give General Greene such a 
force, that he should be able under all circum- 
stances to keep the enemy confined to their posts 



upon the coasts of South Carolina and Georgia ; 
but should your excellent and valuable body of 
men be made use of for that purpose, it might 
possibly interfere with the plan of campaign, 
which we may shortly expect from your court. 
Those States, whose troops compose the southern 
army, will be pressed to send forward reinforce- 
ments to General Greene as early and as ex- 
peditiously as possible. 

I am apprehensive that your Excellency will 
think me unmindful of a most agreeable piece of 
duty which I have been directed to perform by 
Congress. It is the presentation of two of the 
field pieces taken at York, with an inscription on 
them expressive of the occasion. I find a diffi- 
culty in getting the engraving properly executed. 
When finished I shall with peculiar pleasure put 
the cannon into your possession. 

In an address which I have lately received 
from the Senate of the State of Virginia, on ac- 
count of the surrender of York and Gloucester, 
I am desired to make their most grateful ac- 
knowledgments to your Excellency and to the 
officers and men under your command, for your 
eminent services upon that occasion, and to assure 
you that they see with pleasure the harmony 
which subsists between the inhabitants of the 
State and their generous allies. I take the first 
opportunity of making this agreeable communi- 

In my letter of the 14th of January, I re- 
quested that Lord Rawdon might be exchanged 
for Brigadier General Moultrie of South Caro- 
lina, in preference to any of the colonels men- 
tioned by Sir Henry Clinton; it being more con- 
formable to our practice than to make exchanges 
by composition. I now take the liberty of con- 
firming that request. I am, etc., 

George Washington 
The Count de Rochambeau 


Williamsburg, 27 February, 1782 

I have received your Excellency's letter of the 
9th instant, brought by Colonel Robert Dillon. 
The Legion de Lauzun by this time must be 
arrived at Charlotte Court-House. It will be 
needful that it stay there some time, because the 
men are almost quite naked, and I shall forward 

them their clothing which I expect from Boston, 
as well as that of all the army, as soon as pos- 
sibly can be done after its arrival. In these 
circumstances I have not thought fit to empower 
M. de Choisy to proceed further, because on one 
part I feared that the requests for that movement 
might not be absolutely necessary, and on the 
other part, I knew too well the ardor and desire 
of going forward, and to be detached from the 
main body, which is natural to our nation. I 
am here at hand to send them orders relative to 
the intelligence which they will send me from 
General Greene s army, if the circumstances were 
so urgent as to render their march absolutely 
necessary. About eight days ago several de- 
tachments of different southern regiments, 
amounting to five hundred men, marched to- 
wards that army. In a little excursion I made 
in the heart of the State, I have seen Colonel 
Armand's legion at Charlottesville. It will be 
ready in a month, if sixty horses, which he ex- 
pects from Philadelphia, arrive. If your Excel- 
lency does not hurry the assembling of the 
reinforcements, which this State is to furnish to 
General Greene's army, I think I ought to let 
you know that the Assembly has broken up 
without resolving anything, or furnishing the 
means of recruiting ; so that it should seem that 
Virginia, for the present moment, looks on itself 
as in possession of peace. 

The privateers have become very bold since 
the loss of the Diligente ; some have entered the 
Bay. The Sybille has gone out to chase them. 
I presume that before long we shall receive from 
France a plan of next campaign. In that case 
I think it would be very necessary that we should 
have a conference together. I am confident 
your Excellency would not be against seeing 
Mount Vernon, your agreeable seat. If con- 
venient, it should be our place of rendezvous as 
the most suitable place. 

I am very sensible to your Excellency's atten- 
tion about the engraving of the field-pieces 
which you destine for me. I do not look upon 
them as very urgent to be delivered, and I think 
it would be most suitable to keep them at Phila- 
delphia, whence Mr. Morris might send them to 
France when peace is made. They might be 
transported to Nantes, whence, by going up the 



river as far as Tours, I would get them carried 
to Rochambeau, which is only twelve leagues 
distant from that city. I am with respect and 
personal attachment, Sir, 

Your Excellency's most, obedient 

humble servant 


General George Washington 

P. S. I think the Chevalier de la Luzerne 
must, by this time, be on the road to come here ; 
if he is not, I beg you would tell him to have 
no uneasiness about the privateers, because M. 
de Villebrune will take care to see him carried 
safely over. 


Philadelphia, 19 March, 1782 

Under present appearances, I think General 
de Choisy should not move beyond Charlotte 
Court-House. There are several reasons to in- 
duce a belief that the enemy mean to evacuate 
South Carolina and Georgia. If such an event 
is to take place, we must soon know it. I re- 
quested the Minister of Finance to inform you, 
that whenever it became necessary I would 
meet you at this place. Mount Vernon, exclu- 
sive of the happiness of entertaining you at my 
own house, would be very agreeable to me, but 
I could not at the opening of the campaign go 
so far away from the army. I congratulate your 
Excellency upon the total surrender of the 
Islands of St. Kitts' and Nevis which is fully 
confirmed. Montserrat must, I think, fall of 
course. I have also the pleasure to inform you 
that the Marquis de Lafayette, and the gentle- 
men who went with him, all arrived safe in 
France, after a passage of twenty-two days. I 
shall set out for the army to-morrow. 

I am, &c. George Washington 

The Count de Rochambeau 


Head Quarters, 5th May, 1782 

If the enemy ever had any intention to evac- 
uate Charleston, that idea, I believe, is now given 
up. Great revolutions in the British councils 
have lately taken place. The particulars brought 
by the March packet will be conveyed to you in 
the enclosed New York Gazette, which I send 
for your perusal. General Robertson, who has 

for some time past been governor of New York, 
is lately appointed Commander-in-Chief in 
America. This information I have from his 
own letter. 

Port Mahon and the whole island of Minorca 
are certainly surrendered to his Catholic Majes- 
ty's arms. This event is declared in New York; 
but I am possessed of but few particulars con- 
cerning the capitulation. My most cordial 
congratulations attend your Excellency and the 
officers of your army upon the favors which you 
inform me have, with so much justice, been 
conferred by his Most Christian Majesty. Be 
assured, Sir, I shall ever feel a most lively in- 
terest and pleasure in every event which be- 
stows honor or emolument on such deserving 
characters. The favorable mention, which the 
King is pleased to make of me, demands my 
warmest and most particular acknowledgments. 
This honor done me will form an additional tie 
to the gratitude which already binds me to the 
person and interests of his Majesty. 

Convinced that the works at Newport would 
be of no use to us, and that they might be of 
infinite importance to the enemy, should they 
have an intention to establish a post there, from 
a bare apprehension of such an event, I have 
requested the Governor of Rhode Island to have 
them levelled ; pointing him at the same time to 
the necessity of preserving Butts's Hill if pos- 
sible. The plans for the campaign depending en- 
tirely upon the succours, which will be sent by his 
Most Christian Majesty, I can do nothing more 
than form opinions upon certain hypotheses. If 
we should have a naval superiority, and a force 
sufficient to attempt New York, and you have 
not secure means of transporting your troops by 
water, for their greater ease, to the Head of Elk, 
the route you propose for their march by land is, 
I am persuaded, the best that can be. It is to be 
feared that the manoeuvre your Excellency sug- 
gests will hardly have its intended effect, as it 
will be performed in so short a space as to give 
no time for its operation before the deception 
you propose would be disclosed. 

If your march should take place before our 
intended interview, the time of its commence- 
ment must be determined absolutely by your 
Excellency, in consequence of the advice you 



may receive from your court, and of knowing 
the time at which the succours may be expected 
on this coast. To delay it beyond this point 
would waste the campaign ; and to commence 
at an earlier period would disclose our plans and 
prepare the enemy for an approach. Every 
attention, consistent with my means, has been 
bestowed on the boats, and I hope to be toler- 
ably provided with them. 

I shall, by this opportunity, communicate your 
request for militia to Governor Harrison. I per- 
suade myself that, knowing how expensive the 
militia are, and with what difficulty they are drawn 
out, you will be as moderate as possible in your 
requisition, and that you will leave nothing, 
when it can be well avoided, to their protection. 

I am, &c, George Washington 

The Count de Rochambeau 


Williamsburg, 8th June, 1782 

In the moment I was writing to your excel- 
lency I received a confirmation of the result of 
the engagement on the 12th of April, which, by 
all the reports from the Cape, Port au Prince, 
and all the intelligence from New York and 
Jamaica, seems very bad for us. 

I was proposing to you that, as there was not 
as yet any plan for the campaign decided at our 
Court, and as I waited with the greatest impa- 
tience for the arrival of the Duke de Lauzun, I 
thought that it was suitable to march the corps 
towards New York, that, jointly with your army, 
we might hinder the enemy from sending any 
forces to the aid of Jamaica. These bad news 
quite overthrow that military expectation, so 
that I see no more reason for that march of the 
French corps to join you, unless there be politi- 
cal ones, which I must submit to your reflection 
and to your order. 

The Captain of a flag, arrived yesterday from 
New York, assures that he had sailed with thirty- 
six transports, escorted by three ships of war, 
going to Charleston and Savannah. They are 
empty, and it is believed they are going to 
evacuate those places, If that be the case, all 
their forces being assembled there, there is noth- 
ing more for us to do. If the army moves that 
way we must assure a protection to York and 

West Point, where will stay our navy and heavy 
artillery, by a body of militia which Yirginia 
must furnish, to which I would add five [regi- 
ments of] French troops, and, considering the 
resolution of the British Parliament not to carry 
on an offensive war on the Continent, I cannot 
see any good proceeding from the march of the 
French troops on New York. On the contrary, I 
think it might engage Carleton to send a detach- 
ment and make some undertaking against our 
ships, when the army would be at a great dis- 
tance, as he might undertake against the French 
without deviating from the resolution not to carry 
on any longer an offensive war on the Continent, 
to endeavor to reduce America by force. Such 
Sir, are my observations. I communicate them, 
to the Chevalier de la Luzerne, and submit them 
to the reflections and orders of your excellency. 
I am, with respect and personal attachment, sir, 
your excellency's 

Most obedient and humble servant 

Comte de Rochambeau 
His Excellency George Washington 

Newburg, 24th June, 1782 
My dear Count 

I have looked with anxious impatience for 
those dispatches from your Court, the arrival of 
which was to be the basis of our interview 
at Philadelphia. I have been in such daily 
expectation of this event, that I have not ven- 
tured more than fifteen miles from this place lest 
your summons should arrive here in my ab- 

The season for operating in this quarter is. 
flying away rapidly; and I am more and more 
embarrassed in determining on the measures, 
which are proper to be pursued. If the aids, 
which are designed for us by your generous 
nation, are sufficiently powerful, and arrive in 
season to warrant the enterprise against New 
York, not a moment should be lost in commenc- 
ing your march this way. On the other hand, if the 
naval superiority, destined by his Most Christian 
Majesty for this coast, should be late in coming, 
or if, when it does arrive, our force should be 
judged inadequate to the siege of New York, 
and our arms are to be turned against Charleston, 
as the next object of importance, every step, 


2 7 

which the French army under your excellency's 
command might make this way, would not only 
serve to fatigue them, but the baggage, teams, and 
artillery horses which are provided for the service 
of the campaign, would, by such a movement, be 
rendered unfit to perform a march to South Caro- 
lina, and ever) r other expense incident to this 
manoeuvre would be needlessly increased. 

In this state of uncertainty which may also be 
accompanied by unexpected embarrassments oc- 
casioned by the late events in the West Indies, 
I find myself at a loss to determine upon any 
thing, and could wish our interview to take place 
even under these circumstances, that we might 
by a free intercourse of sentiments upon certain 
hypotheses, mature matters in such a manner as 
to facilitate any operations to which our force shall 
be adjudged competent (having regard to the 
season), when the plans of your court are an- 
nounced to us. If you approve of such a meet- 
ing before you receive your dispatches, you have 
only to inform me of it, and I shall attend to 
your time at Philadelphia, or any other place, at 
the shortest notice. 

I am at this moment on the point of setting 
out for Albany, on a visit to my posts in the 
vicinity of that place. My stay will not exceed 
eight or ten days, and will be shortened if any 
dispatches should be received from you in the 
mean time. I have the honor to be, etc., 

George Washington 
The Count de Rochambeau 

Philadelphia, 17th July, 1782 

I had the honor to write to your excellency 
that at my departure from York, in Virginia, I 
would leave in that place a detachment of four 
hundred French troops, which were to be joined 
by a corps of the Virginia militia, to assure the 
possession of that harbor to the French navy 
now there, and that may arrive in future. At 
the moment of my leaving that place the Ameri- 
can militia were just beginning to arrive; and I 
have left M. de Lavalette, Brigadier General, 
with four hundred French troops. I have ex- 
pressly recommended to him the American 
artillery, which remained there after the siege of 
York, with orders to place it upon West Point, 

to join it to our siege artillery in case superior 
land and sea forces should oblige him to retreat 
on West Point with the King's navy. I think 
that the quantity of American artillery left at 
York is much greater than is necessary for the 
conservation of that post, and that at least one 
half may be taken away whenever your Excel- 
lency shall think fit. 

One battery of eight pieces at York and one 
other of six at Gloucester, will be sufficient to 
protect the harbor; and I am of opinion that 
General Lincoln will do very well to send his 
orders that the rest, amounting to thirty pieces 
and upwards, according to the best of my knowl- 
edge, may be removed. This is my opinion, 
Sir, in answer to the letter which you did me the 
honor to write me on that object yesterday. I 
am, with respect and personal attachment, sir, 
your Excellency's 

Most obedient and humble servant, 

Comte de Rochambeau 
His Excellency General Washington 

P. S. I send to your Excellency my answer to 
Sir Guy Carleton, which I beg you would read 
and send by the first occasion to New York. 

Newburg, 16th August, 1782 

Were we certain that a pacification had ad- 
vanced so far as your Excellency thinks it has, or 
could be assured that the British ministry were 
really sincere in their offers which have been 
communicated through their Commander-in-chief 
Sir Guy Carleton, I should think you might, 
without any inconvenience or danger await the 
orders of your court where you now are, and dis- 
miss all your wagons. But when we consider 
that negotiations are sometimes set on foot 
merely to gain time, that there are yet no offers 
on the part of the enemy for a general cessation 
of hostilities, and that although their commandery 
in this country are in a manner tied down by the 
resolves of their House of Commons to a de- 
fensive war only, yet they may be at liberty to 
transport part of their force to the West Indies, 
I think it highly necessary for the good of the 
common cause and especially to prevent the 
measure which I have last mentioned, to unite 
our force upon the North River ; and in this 



opinion I am impressed by the sentiments con- 
tained in a letter from the Minister of France to 
the Marquis de Vaudreuil, which he has been 
good enough to leave open for my inspection. 

•• From the different accounts I ca 
says he. " it seems to be the design of England 
to make a general peace; but the demands on 
the one side and the other will render a conclu- 
sion extremely difficult; and in such a case that 
power will share nothing to effectuate a peace 
with the United States, and turn all their efforts 
against us. As to a aepaa x with the 

United States it will not take place. I am cer- 
tain they will not make peace except in concert 
with us." The minister also says to me, "You 
will judge better than I can whether it is proper 
to march the French army or not. It is certain, 
that it will be necessary, if the English show any 
disposition to detach a considerable force to the 
West Indies.'" What are the intentions of the 
enemy in this respec :s impossible for me 

precisely to determine. Accounts from New 
York, but not on very good authority, still con- 
tinue to mention an embarkation for the West 
Indies. The garrison of Savannah has arrived 
... New York, and there are some grounds for 
believing that Charleston will be evacuated 
should that event take place, and the garrison 
also come to New York, they might without 
danger detach considerably should our force con- 
tinue divided 

Upon the whole. Sir, I hardly imagine you will 
think it prudent to dismiss your carriages under 
present appearances and circumstances; and, if 
you do not, the cattle will be as easily subsisted 
upon a march as in a settled camp. Should an 
accommodation take place, and should the 
orders of your court call you from the continent. 
your embarkation might be as easily made upon 
the E>elaware or the Hudson, as upon the Chesa- 
peake. I am of opinion, therefore, that no 
good consequences can result from your remain- 
ing at Baltimore, but that many advantages may 
attend your marching forward, and forming a 
junction with this army. Actuated by no mo- 
but those which tend to the general good, 
I have taken the liberty of giving my sentiments 
with that freedom, with which I am convinced 
vou wou'd ever wish me to deliver them. I beg 

leave to return my thanks for the attention you 
have paid to the exchange, not only of Colonel 
Launioy. but of several others of our officers. I 
ani - etc -> George Washington 

The Count de Rochambeau 

Princeton, 7th September. 17S2 

I have the honor to send to your Excellency a 
which the Chevalier de la Luzerne begs you 
would send by the dragoons established on the 
road to Boston for carrying on the correspon- 
dence. It contains a generous offer, made by 
Congress to the king, of a seventy-four gun ship * 

The news which I have here of the British 
fleet, are that Admiral Pigot is put into New York 
with very few ships, himself in a bad state of 
health, and that Admiral Hood, with the git 
part of the fleet, has sailed for Halifax. If your 
Excellency has the same intelligence confirmed. 
I beg you would send my letter to M. de Yau- 
dreuil. It is however certain that If. Dumas, 
Deputy Quartermaster-General, has seen yester- 
day a great part of the fleet under sail before the 
Hook. I expect that I shall arrive with the first 
division on the 14th at Haverstraw. The second 
division will arrive on the 15th; and I promise 
myself a great pleasure in embracing your ex- 
cellency. I am, with respect and personal at- 
tachment, si», your Excellency's 

Most obedient and humble servant 

Comte de Rochambeau 
His Excellency, George Washington ' 

* In Congress September 3d, u whereas the Magnifi- 
;-.:e. >ever.:y-four gun ship, belonging to the fleet of his 
Most Christian Majesty, commanded by the Marquis de 
Vaudreuil, has been lately lost by accident in the harbor 
of Boston, and Congress are desirous of testifying on this 
occasion to his majesty the sense they entertain of his 
generous exertion in behalf of the United States. 

*' Resolved, that the agent of marine be. and he is 
hereby instructed to present the America, a seventy-four 
gun ship, in the name of the United States, to the Cheva- 
lier de la Luzerne, for the service of his Most Christian 

Hartford, 30th October. Vfla 

At the moment of my departure for Boston 
this morning, I received a letter from If. de 
Yaudreuil, saying that he is sorry to have ap- 


pointed the 5th of next month for my arrival 
with my troops at Boston, because the men-of- 
war at Portsmouth are not yet ready, and he 
doe- not believe that he will be in readiness to 
set sail before the 20th of November. In con- 
sequence of which, I have resolved to stay here 
four day> longer; then to go as far as Providence 
by very short journeys, where I shall stay until 
the fleet be ready. By these means I shall have 
more time to receive intelligence from your Ex- 
cellency concerning the motions of the enemy, 
and to know, first, if Admiral Pigot is really 
gone with a part of the fleet to the West Indies: 
secondly, if the counter order for the non evacu- 
ation of Charleston has really been sent a 
reported; thirdly, if this counter order is arrived 
timely enough to hinder the evacuation; in which 
three objects I beg of your excellency to inform 
me, as you know that on these objects depend the 
embarkation of the troops or their not embark- 

I shall leave two hussars at Boston and two at 
Voluntown, to bring me your Excellency's letters 
at Providence. I am, with respect and personal 
attachment, sir, 
Your Excellency's most obedient humble servant 


His Excellency, George Washington 

Newburg. 14th December. : - ^2 
I cannot, my dear general, permit you to de- 
part from this country without repeating to you 
the high sense I entertain of the services you 
have rendered to America by the constant atten- 
tion which you have paid to the interest of it, by 
the exact order and discipline of the corps under 
your command, and by your readiness, at all 
times, to give facility to every measure, which 
the force of the combined armies was competent 

To this testimony of your public character, I 
should be wanting to the feelings of my heart, 
were I not to add expressions of the happiness I 
have enjoyed in your private friendship, the re- 
membrance of which will be one of the most 
pleasant circumstances of my life. My best 
wishes will accompany you to France, where I 
sincerely hope, and have no doubt, you will meet 
with the smiles and rewards of a generous prince, 

and the warmest embrace- <A affectionate f r 
Adieu. I have the honor to be, with great per- 
sonal attachment, respect, and regard, 
obedient and most humble servant, 

rge Washing; 
The Count de Rochambeau 

Newburg, December I 
It is with infinite satisfaction, that I embrace 
the earliest opportunity of sending to Philadel- 
phia the cannon, which Congress were pleased 
to present to your Excellency, in testimony of 
their sense of the illustrious part you bore in 
the capture of the British army under Lord 
Cornwallis at York, in Yirginia. The carriages 
will follow by another conveyance. But, as 
they were not quite ready, I could not resist the 
pleasure, on that account, of forwarding these 
pieces to you previous to your departure, in 
hopes the inscription and devices, as well as the 
execution, may be agreeable to your w. 
I am sir, etc. 

George Washington 
The Count de Rochambeau 


s, ir Headquarters, 7th December. 17S2 

The Count de Rochambeau, who arrived here 
this morning, did me the honor to deliver to me 
your letter of the 29th of November. As your 
destination was no: public, when I last had the 
pleasure of seeing you. I could not embrace the 
opportunity to express to you the very great re- 
gret I felt at the prospect of our separation. I 
must therefore beg you to accept this testimony 
of that regret, as well as the gratitude I feel in 
common with every virtuous citizen, for the es- 
sential services you have assisted in rendering to 
this country. At the same time I must entreat 
you to believe, that the many great and amiable 
qualities which you possess, have inspired me 
with v the highest sentiments of esteem for your 
character, and that, wherever you may be, noth- 
ing will add to my happiness more, than to hear 
from you, and to communicate to you any thing 



that may occur in this part of the world worthy 
of your notice. 

1 have only now to assure you of my sincere 
wishes for your safe and speedy arrival at the 
place of your destination, and for your success 
and personal glory in whatever you may under- 

12th December 

The reason which prevented me taking a pub- 
lic leave of your Excellency, operated equally 
against my signifying to the army now under 
your command not only the reluctance with which 
I parted with them, but the grateful sense which 
I entertain of the very essential services they 
have rendered to America. Your destination 
being no longer a secret, permit me to request 
the favor of your Excellency to make the neces- 
sary apologies for me; to express to both the 
officers and men how warmly I feel myself in- 
terested in whatever concerns their honor and 
glory; and to assure them it is my ardent wish, 
that victory may attend them wherever the orders 
or their sovereign may direct their arms. Ac- 
cept my thanks for the very many polite marks of 
attention I have received from you, and believe 
me to be merely sincerely your Excellency's 
obedient servant, George Washington 

The Baron de Viomenil 

Sir Boston, December 18, 1782 

The veneration with which this army was 
penetrated, from the first moment they had the 
honor of being presented to your Excellency by 
Count de Rochambeau, their confidence in your 
talents and the wisdom of your orders, the re- 
membrance of your kindness and attention, and 
the example you set them in every critical circum- 
stance, the approbation, regret and wishes you 
have honored them with at their departure ; 
these are the considerations, by which you may 
be assured there is not an individual officer in 
this army who is not as sensibly touched as he is 
flattered by your approbation ; or who does not 
exceedingly regret that the secret of our des- 
tination deprived them of the pleasure of being 
again presented by Count de Rochambeau, to 
pay their respects to your Excellency, and to ex- 
press their feelings on the occasion. 

Having thus interpreted their sentiments to 
your Excellency, allow me, Sir, to embrace this 

opportunity to assure you that the sentiments 
you have already permitted me to express to you 
will be as durable as the profound respect, with 
which I have the honor to be, &c, 

Baron de Viomenil 
His Excellency George Washington 

Newburg, 14 December, 1782 
My Dear Chevalier 

I felt too much to express any thing the day 
I parted from you. A sense of your public ser- 
vices to this country, and gratitude for your 
private friendship, quite overcame me at the 
moment of our separation. But I should do 
violence to my feelings and inclination, were I 
to suffer you to leave this country without the 
warmest assurances of an affectionate regard for 
your person and character. 

Our good friend, the Marquis de Lafayette, 
prepared me, long before I had the honor to see 
you, for those impressions of esteem, which op- 
portunities and your own benevolent mind have 
since engraved with a deep and lasting friend- 
ship ; a friendship which neither time nor dis- 
tance can eradicate. I can truly say, that never 
in my life have I parted with a man to whom 
my soul clave more sincerely than it did to you. 
My warmest wishes will attend you on your 
voyage across the Atlantic, to the rewards of a 
generous prince, the arms of affectionate friends ; 
and be assured that it will be one of my highest 
gratifications to keep up a regular intercourse 
with you by letter. 

I regret exceedingly, that circumstances should 
withdraw you from this country before the final 
accomplishment of that independence and peace 
which the arms of our good ally have assisted 
in placing before us in so agreeable a point of 
view. Nothing would give me more pleasure 
than to accompany you in a tour through the Con- 
tinent of North America at the close of the war 
in search of the natural curiosities with which it 
abounds, and to view the foundation of the rising 
empire. I have the honor to be, &c, 

George Washington 
The Chevalier de Chastellux 

Sir Head Quarters, 10 May, 1783 

I had not the honor of receiving your favor of 
the 1st instant until the 7th. Being at that time at 



Orangetown on a conference with Sir Guy Carle- 
ton, it had a circuitous route to make before it 
reached me. This circumstance you will be so 
good as to admit as an apology for my not giv- 
ing an earlier reply. 

I have now the honor to mention to you, as I 
did some time ago to the Minister of France, 
that, viewing the peace so near a final conclu- 
sion, I could not hold myself justified in a desire 
to detain the troops under your command from 
the expectations of their sovereign or to prevent 
their own wishes of a return to their native 
country and friends. 

Nor can I omit, on this occasion to express to 
you, Sir, and to all the brave officers and sol- 
diers of your corps, the high esteem I have for 
them, and the regard I shall ever entertain for 
their services in the cause of the United States, 
to whose independence and establishment as a 
nation they have contributed a noble share. 

Your particular services, Sir, with the polite- 
ness, zeal and attention, which I have ever 
experienced from you, have made a deep and 
lasting impression on my mind, and will serve to 
endear you to my remembrance. It would have 
been a great satisfaction to me to have had fur- 
ther opportunity to give you, in person, the 
assurance of my regard, could your orders have 
admitted your longer continuance in the country. 
But my regret at parting with you will be some- 
what softened by the flattering hope you are 
pleased to give me, that I may have the satisfac- 
tion of embracing you again in America ; when 
you may be assured I shall ever most heartily 
rejoice in an opportunity of having it in my 
power to convince you of the very particular 
esteem and attachment, with which I have the 
honor to be, &c. George Washington 

To the Duke de Lauzun 



From the Pennsylvania Packet, Aug. 31, 1782 

Sir Baltimore, August 22, 1782 

The merchants of Baltimore are too sensible 

of the harmony which has subsisted between the 
troops which your excellency commands and all 
orders of the inhabitants, not to feel anxious to 
make known their satisfaction before your de- 
parture. We do not pretend to be judges of the 
discipline of armies ; but from the brilliant and 
signal services which your army has rendered to 
this country; from the watchful attention which 
your soldiery have had over every species of our 
property — from the decorum and order which 
they have uniformly preserved, both in their 
camps and in the town — and from the great po- 
liteness of the officers, on every occasion, we 
cannot but acknowledge ourselves deeply im- 
pressed with the most lively ideas of its perfec- 
tion, and with a gratitude which, from its nature, 
must be perpetual. And we are happy in this 
opportunity to declare, that had the prejudice 
against the French nation been real, which the 
English have so pertinaciously attributed to 
the Americans, the residence of your excellency 
and the army in this place must have convinced 
us how little credit ought to be given to the pop- 
ular maxims of * a people who have ever been 
sincerely our friends. 

Permit us, Sir, to assure you, that the only 
regret which we experience is on the prospect 
of the removal of your army, and our incapacity 
to make a proper return for its great services and 
distinguished care of the privileges of citizens. 

In behalf of the merchants, we have the hon- 
our to be, with the greatest respect, 

Your excellency's most obedient servants, 
William Smith 
Samuel Smith 
Thorowgood Smith 

* 0/ seems to mean concerning. 

Baltimore, August 22, 1782 

It cannot but be very agreeable to me and the 
troops under my command to perceive that the 
discipline observed by them has been the means 
of keeping between them and the inhabitants of 
this city the harmony and good understanding 
which we have always been anxious to maintain 
with our allies. 

Your willingness to receive us in your houses. 



your attentive politeness to us, have been a suffi- 
cient return for the services which we have been 
so happy as to render you. We have our full 
reward in fulfilling, to our mutual satisfaction, 
the intentions of our Sovereign. 

The Count de Rochambeau 
To the Merchants of the City of Baltimore 


From the Pennsylvania Packet, Jan. 4, 1783 
The governor, council and representatives of 
the state of Rhode Island and Providence Plan- 
tations, in general assembly convened, being 
excited by the sincerest attachment and respect, 
present their most affectionate and cordial ac- 
knowledgments to your excellency and the offi- 
cers and troops composing the army under your 
command, for the great and eminent services 
rendered since your first arrival in this state. 

Nothing can equal our admiration at the man- 
ner in which you have participated with the army 
of the United States in the fatigues, the toils and 
glory that have attended the allied arms, but [that 
for] the magnanimity of the father of his people, 
and the protector of the rights of mankind. 

Our inquietude at the prospect of your removal 
would be inexpressible, but from the fullest con- 
viction of the wisdom that directs the councils 
of his most christian majesty. 

May Heaven reward your exertions in the 
cause of humanity, and the particular regard 
you have paid to the rights of the citizens. And 
may your laurels be crowned by the smiles of the 
best of kings, and the grateful feelings of the 
most grateful people. 

Done in general assembly, at East-Greenwich, 
this 27th day of November, A. D. 1782, and in 
the seventh year of independence. 

I have the honor to be, in behalf of the coun- 
cil and representatives, with great esteem and 
respect, your excellency's most obedient and very 
humble servant, W. Greene, Governor 

By order. 

Samuel Ward, D. Sec. 
To his Excellency Count de Rochambeau, Com- 
mander of the army of his Most Christian 
Majesty in vhe United States 


Providence, Nov. 28, 17S2 

It is with an inexpressible pleasure that I and 
the troops under my command have received the 
marks of esteem and of acknowledgment, which 
you are so good as to give to the services which 
we have been happy enough to render to the 
United States, jointly with the American army, 
under the orders of General Washington. 

This state is the first we have been acquainted 
with. The friendly behaviour of its inhabitants 
now, and at our arrival here, will give them 
always the right to our gratitude. 

The confidence you have in the wisdom of the 
views of our sovereign, as to the disposition 
and march of his troops, must likewise assure 
you that on no occasion whatever he will sepa- 
rate his interest from those of his faithful allies. 

Le Cte De Rochambeau 
To the Governor, Council and Representatives 

of the State of Rhode Island and Providence 


The above are true copies 

Witness Henry Ward, Sec. 

the citizens of boston to the baron de 
From the Pennsylvania Packet, Jan. 8, 1783 

The freeholders and other inhabitants of the 
town of Boston, legally assembled in Faneuil- 
Hall, congratulate your Excellency on your safe 
arrival in the capital of this commonwealth. It 
is with particular pleasure that we embrace this 
opportunity, of testifying the singular respect 
with which we regard your Excellency and the 
gallant army under your command, sent by His 
Most Christian Majesty, the illustrious ally of the 
United States, to their succor, and crowned in 
this service with the most brilliant success and 
permanent honours. 

We can assure your Excellency, that no part 
of the United States can be impressed more 
deeply with every sentiment becoming the most 
faithful allies towards the King, your Sovereign, 
and the nation which he governs with so much 
glory; or can entertain a higher sense of the 
great merits of his land and naval forces in 



America, than the inhabitants of Boston. Our 
whole country attests the perfect discipline, the 
uncommon good order and civility which these 
forces have constantly preserved; a circumstance, 
among many others, which, while it leaves the 
most agreeable impressions on the minds of the 
inhabitants in every quarter, and must be ex- 
tremely favorable to the publick friendship, can- 
not but at the same time heighten our regret at 
their departure. Wherever these forces may 
still be employed, may Heaven defend their per- 
sons, prosper their valour, and add new glories 
to their names and to that of their nation. 

Your Excellency we are sure will be pleased, 
that upon this occasion we do not forget to men- 
tion, with the utmost respect, the name of Count 
ROCHAMBEAU, your predecessor in this im- 
portant command; whose distinguished services in 
America can never be forgotten, and to whom 
also we ardently wish every felicity. 

May the happy alliance with France never be 
dissolved or impaired ! In the support of which 
such expenses have been incurred — such toils 
endured — such valuable lives exposed — such 
great actions displayed, and such generous blood 
offered ! And may the reciprocal fruits of it to 
both nations be perpetually augmented. 

To His Excellency, the Baron Viomenil, 
General and Commander of the forces of 
His most Christian Majesty in the United 
States of America. 


It belonged to the Count de Rochambeau 
much more than to myself to receive those dis- 
tinguished and flattering testimonies which you 
have been pleased to give to the conduct of the 
troops, placed by the choice and confidence of 
the King in his hands, in order to serve the cause 
of your liberty. It is by pursuing the intentions 
of his Majesty, and the orders, the particular in- 
structions, and the example of the General 
which he gave us, that we have been able to in- 
spire you with those sentiments of esteem and 
attachment, of which you now assure us in ex- 
pressions that do us the greatest honor. 

All the principal officers of this army are, as 
well as myself, gentlemen, extremely touched 

with your suffrage in their favor; it in a manner 
insures to them the approbation of the King, and 
is a very flattering recompence for the care they 
have taken to maintain discipline in the regi- 
ments which they command. The other officers 
by whom they have been perfectly seconded, will 
also be penetrated with the same sentiments; 
and the whole army sees with satisfaction, how 
thoroughly you are persuaded, that it is to the 
perfect union that has reigned between the 
American troops, the marine of the King, and 
the French corps under the orders of the Count 
de Rochambeau, that France and the United 
States are indebted for that success you so kindly 

Permit me also, gentlemen, to seize the present 
moment for declaring to you our admiration of 
the virtues, the talents, and the accomplishments 
which so particularly distinguish His Excellency 
General WASHINGTON. We all desire that 
the homage of our respects and of our warm 
wishes for his preservation and happiness, may be 
agreeable to him as a testimony of the satisfac- 
tion we have had in serving under his orders. 

I may venture to assure you beforehand, 
gentlemen, that the King will very sensibly feel 
the good wishes which the inhabitants of the 
town of Boston have so ardently made for the 
glory of his reign, and the prosperity of the 
nation which he governs. The disinterestedness 
and the wisdom of the views of his Majesty in 
all that he has done for the support of the inde- 
pendence of America, do not admit a doubt that 
the next destination of this army will still con- 
tribute with efficacy to the complete establish- 
ment of that object: To whatever part of the 
earth his orders may send it, all who compo-e 
this corps, will ever remember, with much sensi- 
bility, the pleasing wishes you have expressed 
for us on our departure. 

The assurances of your affection, and the ex- 
pression of your desires for the maintenance of 
an alliance, which his majesty regards as one of 
those happy events that have marked his reign, 
leave not the least room to doubt of the duration 
of this union, or of the great advantages that 
will result from it to the two nations in all times 
to come. 

For myself nothing, gentlemen, could flatter 


me more than the particular marks you have been 
pleased to give me of your esteem. I beg you 
to accept, together -with all the thanks I c 
you, my mast sincere respects and assurances, 
that I shall ever form the wannest wis 
prosperity of the United States in general, and 
for the happiness of the cirircr- : n in 


_"-.- .-":.- S :■: • ": : -; .: _ r .: .-■':.■ " .'/-. " :~5: 
l '. :':.t I :.-: :.t 7, : .'- :."-.': r".; 

r success of my armies will never be pleas- 
ing to me, but as they furnish the means of ob- 
taining a speedy peace. Under that hope I review 
with pleasure the happy events of the campaign. 
My naval force, commanded by the Count de 
Grasse, Lieutenant General, after having de- 
feated that of the British, near the leeward 
id— ^ and in their presence captured the island 
: 7 :>bago, sailed afterwards for the cans I 
:j.r.-..\ : . - :"-e~ :: e z:u^:e :"-i: S:i:e 

the enemy's fleet, which arrives on that ooas 
attack my naval force, is beaten and obliged to 
into port: and at length a whole British 
qr, shut up in the town of York, besieged by 
my troops, in conjunction with those of the 
: America, under the command 
r.:ngton and yourself, have been 
forced to surrender themselves prisoners of 

In railing these events to the mind, and ac- 
knowledging how much the abilities of General 
Washington, your talents, those of the general 
officers employed under the orders of you both, 
and the valor of the troops have rendered this 
campaign glorious, my chief design is to inspire 
the hearts of all as well as mine, with the deepest 
gratitude towards the author of all prosperity, 
and in the intention of addressing my supplica- 
tions to him for the continuation of his divine 
protection, I have written to the archbishops and 
bishops of my kingdom to cause Te Deum to be 
sung in the churches of their dioceses, and I ad- 
dress this letter to you to inform you, that I 
desire i: ma/ be likewise sung in the town or 

camp where yon may be with the corps of troops, 
the command of which has been entrusted to 
yon, and that you would give orders that the 

. err ::'.:;-. y ': e r = r: ; -v. ; . /..:'.; :r- 

ioicings used in similar cases, in which I beg of 
God to keep you in his holy protection. 

Done saflfes, the 26th of November, 




Extract of a letter from the Baron de Viomenil 
to the Marquis de Segur, dated 
Sej -.ember 17. :":: 
From the Courier cU P Europe, Aov. 22. VjflA 
The officers, passengers in the two frigates 
1'Aigle and la Gloire were landed on the starboard 
shore of the Delaware. Being at the distance of 
three leagues from these frigates, the baron de Vi- 
omenil sent back the boats, with an invitation to 
send the treasure contained in the two friga:e~ I 
him. :.nding they were in greater dan- 

ger than before, yet by the activity of Monsieur 
de la Touche. and de Vallongue this business 
was effected, though attended with great diffi- 
culties. Two boats of refugees, containing 100 
armed men each, attempted to take those who had 
the money in charge, and had it nearly in their 
power, but by the gallantry of the officers and 
the intrepidity of lieutenant le Sieur Gourgues. 
who came up with the boats of 1'Aigle, struck 
such a damp to the enemy, who. though they had 
men to engage, sheered off with pre- 
cipitation. The money was seat to Philadelphia 
under the care of the aids-de-camp and six offi- 
cers of the royal regiment of artillery, and the 
legion de Lauzun, commanded by le Sieur Shel- 
don, who acquitted himself in this service with 
zeal and integrity. Les Sieurs de Erbanes, 
Montesquieu, Lomenie and Melfort were of the 
greatest service in the most critical hour of dis- 
tress. Les Sieurs de Brentano. Rice, Talley- 
rand, Lameth, Fleury, Vaudreuil, Frederick de 
Chabannes, Montmort and de YiomemTs son. 
have demonstrated the most distinguished ardor 
on this occasion, having done duty as private 
centinels every night ; les Sieurs de Laval, Tis- 
seul and Brentano have exerted themselves in a 
most extraordinary manner in recovering the 




500,000 livres which were thrown overboard at 
the time of the refugees' attack on our boats — 
Les Sieurs de Se'gur and de Broglie, after having 
from the beginning acquitted themselves in every 
instance with great zeal and honour in the ser- 
vice, being entrusted with dispatches from the 
Ministry to les Sieurs de la Luzerne, Rocham- 
beau and de Vaudreuil, have carried them to 
Philadelphia. The Due de Lauzun, who had 
been ill of a fever about 20 days at sea, and is 
but just beginning to recover, never quitted the 
Baron de Viomenil in any of these great diffi- 
culties, and it was entirely owing to his address 
that some militia of the country were assembled, 
who assisted in saving the money. — Pennsyl- 
vania Packet, March 1, 1783. 


Translation of a letter from a French officer 
to a friend 

From the Pennsylvania Packet, Oct. 24, 1782 

Camp at Verplank, September 21, 1782 
We joined the American army some days ago. 
Yesterday the French army was reviewed by his 
excellency General Washington. You are ac- 
quainted with our troops, and I need not inform 
you that, after a long and fatiguing march in a 
sultry season and climate, they made such a 
splendid appearance as would have been ad- 
mired in our camps of peace in Europe. 

This day the Americans were under arms. It 
was a military festival in honour of their allies. 
Their camp was covered with garlands and pyra- 
mids, as so many trophies gratefully raised by 
the hands of liberty. The army was drawn up 
at the head of their camp. Twenty-four bat- 
talions of the States of New Jersey, Massachu- 
setts, Rhode Island, Connecticut and New York 
formed a line of two miles extent. The most 
exact uniformity, the neat dress of the men, the 
glittering of their arms, their martial look, and 
a kind of military luxury, gave a most magnifi- 

cent appearance to this assemblage of citizens 
armed in defence of their country. 

Never did a more august sight strike my eyes. 
I imagined that I saw in their officers the TelU 
and Stawsackers of old in their great man, their 
chief (whom America can never sufficiently com- 
pensate), all the heroes united, whose name> 
have been celebrated in the annals of glory and 

liberty. ^ & "^ ^ 

My admiration rose to enthusiasm when I 
reflected, that not one of these soldiers was a 
mercenary ; that many had spilled their blood 
and sacrificed their fortunes for their country, 
in expectation of no other reward than the es- 
teem of their fellow citizens, and a firm per- 
suasion of the justice of their cause. 

A discharge of cannon was the signal for 
manoeuvring. That exactness, order and silence 
which distinguish veteran armies was here dis- 
played ; they changed their front, formed and 
deployed columns with admirable regularity. 

The day was terminated with an entertain- 
ment of more than ninety covers, served with 
true military magnificence in the pretorium of 
the consul (for I rather express myself thus than 
by saying in the tent of the general). In fact, 
everything in this army bears a particular char- 
acter ; and things uncommon ought not to be 
described by common expressions. A band of 
American music which played during the dinner 
added to the gaiety of the company. 

Affection, esteem and cordiality were equally 
visible in the countenances of the French officers 
and of the Americans, their companions in war 
and glory. Never were two nations better formed 
for allies. Never did a generous nation exercise 
their virtue towards allies more grateful or repu- 

May my wishes prove ominous of the event. 
May mutual services cement an alliance which 
does honour to humanity, and may we in our 
return to the bosom of peace enjoy the pleasing 
satisfaction of having known, admired and as- 
sisted the worthy allies of France. Adieu. 


From Guilford Court House to the Siege of York 

Narrated in the letters from Judge Si. George Tucker to his wife 


The approaching centennial celebration of the surrender of Lord 
Cornwallis at Yorktown renders every thing connected with that event, 
and indeed with the whole revolutionary period, of paramount interest. 
It was with this feeling that I turned the moth-eaten leaves upon which 
these letters were written. The paper is coarse, and in many instances 
the merest scraps were called into service — some only containing mes- 
sages of love for the wife waiting at home, whose trembling hand could 
scarcely break the seal when she recognized the writing of her soldier 
husband. But, again, these little missives told of incidents, some great, 
some small, each of which added its quota to decide the fate of a glori- 
ous republic. Not intended for the public eye, but only for the yearning 
heart of a wife, these letters are in many cases rough and unpolished. 
They simply gush with the occurrences and rumors of the moment, 
as they were written in haste under innumerable difficulties — in the rain 
and on the saddle, amid the voices of men, the neighing of horses, and 
the general babel of a mighty and, to a great extent, undisciplined army. 
In one there is a report of an occurrence as a mere rumor which has 
since become established fact; in another, an account of a just enacted 
battle with all the gloss and glamour that shroud alike the remotest 
antiquity and the immediate present. But in the next is found a calmer 
survey of the field ; and what appeared a mighty engagement on the 
day of the battle proved a paltry fray when the smoke disappeared like a 
mountain mist. But as the testimony of an eye witness these letters 
are invaluable. Of such annals the history of nations is to a great 
extent composed. 

St. George Tucker, the writer of these letters, was born in Bermuda 
July 10th, 1752. He was the youngest of four sons, three of whom 
filled positions of trust in this country and under the English govern- 
ment. The eldest, Henry, was President of his Majesty's Council and 



Commander-in-chief of the Islands of Bermuda. His descendants 
went to England and became closely connected with the East India 
Company in which they have filled important posts. Charlotte M. 
Tucker, better known as A. L. O. E. and a missionary to India, where 
some of her nearest and dearest fell in the notorious massacre of Cawn- 
pore, is his grand-daughter ; and a worthy descendant of a worthy man. 
The second son, Tudor, was made Treasurer of the United States by 
General Washington, and retained the place until his death, during the 
administration of the younger Adams. The third son, Nathaniel, was 
attending the College of Medicine at Edinburgh at the outbreak of the 
revolution, and on that account was prevented from returning to 
America, though ardently attached to its interests. He finally settled, 
married, and died in England. He was the author of the Bermudian 
and other poems of some merit, which, however, are little known. An 
epic, originally intended to extend to twelve books, on the American 
Revolution, was begun by him. A portion of this poem still exists in 
manuscript. St. George, the subject of our sketch, came to Virginia in 
1771, and entered William and Mary College, where he remained one 
year. He then commenced the study of the law under George Wythe, 
afterwards one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. In 1775 
he obtained a license and was admitted at the bar of the General Court. 
In the same year, however, at the desire of his father, he returned to 
Bermuda, where he remained until after the independence of the colo- 
nies was declared. But his devotion to the colonies was so great that, 
while banished from them by obedience to the wish of his parent, he 
engaged personally in a successful but dangerous attack upon a royal 
magazine containing supplies for the British forces. He married in 1778 
Frances Bland, the widow of John Randolph, and the mother of John 
Randolph, of Roanoke. From this lady his gifted and eccentric son is 
said to have inherited his talents, but not his bitterness. The subject of 
our sketch then entered the army first as a private, but became secretary 
and aide-de-camp to General Nelson in May, 1779. An extract irom a 
letter written by him at that time will give an idea of the favor that the 
British met with in his eyes. 

" As to the business of fighting it would appear that the enemy will not trouble us with it. 
They are still at Portsmouth, and from every circumstance will not venture into these parts, as 
there are now a sufficient number of men at Hampton, York, and Williamsburg to oppose them 
with probabilities of success. From late accounts by deserters they seem preparing to depart in a 
week or two. May the devil be their escort, and Pandemonium their headquarters ! May the 
flames they kindled at Suffolk be ordained for their own special use at that place; and may they 
retain the sense of hunger, and be doomed to feed on the ashes and soot occa?ioned by the provis- 


ions they destroyed there ! These are my hearty benedictions on such benefactors — and all the 
people shall cry Amen." 

Then in 1781 he was present at the battle of Guilford Court House 
as a militia major in General Lawson's brigade ; and at the siege of 
Yorktown as a lieutenant-colonel. It is the period which elapsed 
between these two memorable events that these highly entertaining 
letters cover. 

The first letter of this series was written when he was on his way 
with the Virginia militia to reinforce Gen. Greene in his southern 
campaign, and to carry supplies to his destitute troops. It is dated 
March 4th, 1781. 

" The lark is up, the morning grey; and I am seated by a smoky fire to let my dearest Fanny 
know that her soldier is as blithe as the mocking bird which is at this moment tuning his pipe 
within a dozen yards of me. If the fatigues of the remainder of the campaign sit as well upon my 
limbs as those which I have hitherto experienced, you may be assured that I shall return to Cum- 
berland the most portly, genteel fellow that the country will be able to boast of. * * * It is 
now time to tell you that we are two miles beyond the Roanoke, having crossed at Taylor's Ferry 
last night; and that we know nothing certain either of the enemy or Gen. Greene, except that the 
latter will probably be ten thousand strong in a few days. Allow one half for his and he will still 
have a pretty considerable army. 400 men under Col. Mumford; 400 regulars from Chesterfield 
Court House, and 300 with us, make above one thousand of the number. General Caswell has a 
strong army in the Newbern road — in case Cornwallis should take that route — consisting, it is said, 
of 5,000 or upwards. Allow one half, and there still remains a pretty little detachment. Corn- 
wallis is said to be at Hillsborough still. He is also said to have marched from thence on the Salis- 
bury road. Gen. Greene is said to be about twenty miles this side of Hillsborough. Lee has had 
one or two successful skirmishes, which are so variously reported that there is no telling what is the 
truth. We are undoubtedly much superior in cavalry at present, which constitutes an immense 
advantage on our side." 

Three days later he writes : 

" Though I can let you know nothing more than I did three days ago, except that we are now 
within eighteen miles of Hillsborough, where we expect to get to-night; yet I can by no means 
suffer an opportunity of letting you hear that I still retain the same health and spirits as when I 
wrote last to slip me. Our march for the last three days has been, from want of variety, somewhat 
disagreeable, for 

' The tedious way through lonely forests lies, 
Where length'ning vistas tire expecting eyes.' 

The day after to-morrrow we hope to join Gen. Greene. I wish for that event very impatiently, for 
we have such bad intelligence that we scarcely know where he or the enemy may now be; though by 
a letter from him to Gen. Lawson, he was some distance above Hillsborough, and Lord Cornwallis 
about twenty miles advanced from thence on the Salisbury road. The express who brought the 
letter mentioned that later intelligence informed that Cornwallis was moving back again towards 
Hillsborough. Col. Skipworth joined us last night. I have just spilt all my ink. God knows 
when you will get another letter from me." 



The next letter was dated "somewhere about Haw River, Guilford 
County, North Carolina, March 13th, 1781." After various expressions 
and messages of affection for the wife and young ones at home, he pro- 
ceeds : 

' ' Now for news. We marched yesterday to look for Lord Cornwallis, who probably marched 
a different route because he did not choose to fight us. We are now strong enough, I hope, to cope 
with him to advantage. Our army in point of strength is rather better than I expected ; in respect 
to numbers, less than what is probably represented in your part of the world; for one half is much 
too small to allow for lies now-a days. Were I to form a judgment I should conclude that we had 
about six thousand men, of which, I believe, fifteen hundred are regulars. But this is all conjec- 
ture, for we little folks walk about with a bandage over our eyes, and with wool in our ears. Lee 
and Washington (Colonel William), took twenty prisoners on yesterday and the day before. Tarle- 
ton is evidently afraid of these two formidable partisan officers. We are in momentary expectation 
of marching again to-day. I presume we wait only for intelligence of the enemy's position, which, 
I believe, may be ten or twelve miles from us. We dined with Gen. Greene the day we came to 
camp. He has an aspect which commands respect — something of the Washington about him. 
* * * Beverley (Col. Beverly Randolph, afterward Gov. of Virginia) has taken advantage of a 
small lameness in one of my toes the other day to write to his wife that I have the gout. I do not 
intend to be placed so nearly on a par with him these thirty years. Skipwith frets, cocks his eyes, 
and wishes for some good bread from Hors du Monde. Copeland — who joined us at Gen. Lawson's 
in an old rug coat with a double tier of pockets — swears he has eaten a peck of dirt since he came 
from home. Such a figure as he cut at that time is not easily to be produced. He has since gotten 
his parson's suit and goes generally by the name of chaplain to our regiment. * * * Enclosed 
are letters from your brother (Col. Theodrick Bland, then a member of Congress) to myself and the 
boys. I dare say they will be proud of such a distinction as to have a separate letter each from a 
member of Congress. A militia major, after such an honor, would cut no more figure as a corre- 
spondent than he does in a camp with a large army. They will, therefore, excuse me from writing 
to them at present, even if time would permit it. Hob (his horse) desires his service to you." 

The next letter is very concise, and was evidently written in great 

"My dearest Fanny, We joined Gen. Greene last night, and are this moment marching to 
attack Lord Cornwallis with a force which I am in hopes is full able to cope with him. Pay no 
regard to any terrible stories Bernard Gaines may tell you of a camp life. It agrees with me per- 
fectly. God bless you, my love. Remember me to the girls and kiss our children. 

Yours ever most affectionately, St. George Tucker. 

Camp Highrock Ford, March 14th, 178 1." 

This letter was written the day before the battle of Guilford Court 
House, while the writer was already in his saddle, as the words " this 
moment marching " testify. The words are run together and the letters 
ill formed. The address is much blotted and smeared from the hastiness 
of the whole transaction. Every sentence is replete with sadness and 
longing, yet cheerful for the sake of the woman who loved him dearer 
than life. 

" God bless you, my love ! " " Kiss our children ! " Who could tell 

4 o 


that these words might not be the last, and the wife and little ones at 
home be widow and orphans before another day was done ? He felt this 
keenly, yet he bade her not be troubled, for a camp life suited him per- 
fectly. But the woman who could send her husband to the wars with- 
out a murmur because it was his duty to go, could not be blinded by a 
few cheerful syllables. She detected the vein of weariness buried 
beneath his hopeful sentences ; so she pressed his letter against her 
heart, and prayed to the God of battles to protect her husband for her 
sake, and for the sake of those who bore his name. The battle was 
fought and the victory won by the enemy ere the wife received another 
token of a husband's love. But what a victory ! When the fact was 
announced in the House of Commons, one of England's most gifted 
sons exclaimed, " Another such victory will ruin the British army !" 
But I will not anticipate. An eye witness can tell the tale much better 

than I can do. 

" Laura Town, March 18th, 1781. 

"My ever dear Fanny: Col. Mumford, being on his return, is kind enough to promise me 
that he will, if possible, forward this letter to you. You will readily suppose that at such a juncture 
I could by no means omit an opportunity of relieving that anxiety which I am sure you must feel at 
hearing that we had a general action on Thursday last at Guilford Court House. I natter myself 
that the moment which informs you of the battle will convey to you the information of my safety. 
You may perhaps expect that I can give you some account of the battle. I must candidly acknowl- 
edge myself totally incapable of doing so. I will only tell you that Lawson's brigade composed a 
line near the centre of which my post was. A cannonade of half an hour ushered in the battle. 
Our friend Skipwith was posted in the express direction of the shot, and, with his battalion, main- 
tained his post during a most tremendous fire with a firmness that does him much honor. Col. Hol- 
combe's regiment was on the right of him and on my left, so that I was in perfect security during 
the whole time, except from a few shot which came in my direction. Beverley was still further on 
the right. When the cannonade ceased, orders were given for Holcombe's regiment and the regi- 
ment on the right of him to advance and annoy the enemy's left flank. While we were advancing 
to execute this order, the British had advanced, and, having turned the flank of Col. Mumford's 
regiment — in which Skipwith commanded as major, we discovered them in our rear. This threw 
the militia into such confusion, that, without attending in the least to their officers who endeavored 
to halt them, and make them face about and engage the enemy, Holcombe's regiment and ours 
instantly broke off without firing a single gun, and dispersed like a flock of sheep frightened by 
dogs. With infinite labor Beverley and myself rallied about sixty or seventy of our men, and 
brought them to the charge. Holcombe was not so successful. He could not rally a man though 
assisted by John Woodson, who acted very gallantly. With the few men which we had collected 
we at several times sustained an irregular kind of skirmishing with the British, and were once suc- 
cessful enough to drive a party for a very small distance. On the ground we passed over I think I 
saw about eight or ten men killed and wounded. During the battle I was forced to ride over a 
British officer lying at the root of a tree. One of our soldiers gave him a dram as he was expiring, 
and bade him die like a brave man. How different this conduct from that of the barbarians he had 
commanded ! 

" In attempting to rally a party of regular troops I received a wound in the small of my leg from 
a soldier, who, either from design or accident held his bayonet in such a direction that I could not 


possibly avoid it as I rode up to stop him from running away. The bayonet penetrated about an 
inch and a half between the bones of my leg. I felt no inconvenience from it for some hours, but 
have since been ob iged to hobble with the assistance of a stick, or with some one to lead me. After 
this our militia joined the Virginia regulars under Col. Campbell, and sustained a good smart fire 
for some minutes. We were soon after ordered to retreat. Whilst we were doing so, Tarleton 
advanced to attack us with his horse; but a party of continentals, who were fortunately close behind us, 
gave him so warm a reception that he retreated with some degree of precipitation. A few minutes 
after we halted by the side of an old field fence, and observed him surveying us at the distance of 
two or three hundred yards. He did not think it proper to attack us again, as we were advan- 
tageously posted ; and the continentals, who had encountered him just before, were still in our rear. 
After this, the whole army retreated in good order to the iron works, fifteen miles from the field of 
battle, having lost the field and our artillery. But how these things happened I cannot tell, for 
during the whole of the battle I knew nothing of what passed in any quarter than on the ground 
where our regiment was engaged. Cornwallis undoubtedly gained a dear bought victory. He lost 
between six and seven hundred men, as Gen. Greene yesterday told me, provided the officers who 
were engaged in the different parts of the field of battle have not misrepresented the numbers they 
saw spread over the places they crossed over Our lost in killed, wounded, and missing is some- 
what short of two hundred. One hundred of the wounded are at this place. Of all these there are 
but three broken bones, the rest being flesh wounds— chiefly in the legs and thighs. Gen. Stevens 
is wounded in the thigh. 

" The Virginia militia had the honor to receive Gen. Greene's thanks for their conduct. Some 
were undoubtedly entitled to them, while others ought to blush that they were undeservedly included 
in the number of those who were supposed to have behaved well. Capt. Ballew, Capt. Ogilvy, 
Capt. Overstreat, Lieut. Mosely, Lieut. Anderson, Lieut. Mayrit, Ensign Sam Williams, and some 
others of our regiment, whose names I am not weft enough acquainted with to call to mind now, 
are among the number of those to whom the compliment from the general was most justly due. I 
can say nothing of those officers who were not under my own eyes ; for, as I before observed, I 
know nothing of the battle but what related to our own regiment, having been the greater part of 
the time wholly by ourselves. I believe the rest of the Virginia militia behaved better than Hol- 
combe's regiment and ours. The surprise at finding the enemy in their rear I believe contributed 
to the disgraceful manner in which they fled at first. But it is not a little to the honor of those who 
rallied that they fired away fifteen or eighteen rounds — and some twenty rounds — a man, after being 
put into such disorder. Such instances of the militia rallying and fighting well are not very com- 
mon, I am told. Perhaps it is more honorable than making a good stand at first, and then quitting 
the field in disorder. Our friend Beverley (Randolph) showed by his conduct that his character is 
uniform. He was himself — I need say no more. Major Hubbard, of Col. Mumford's regiment, 
had the skirt of his surtout shot away by a cannon ball, and his horse slightly wounded by the same. 
There were not, however, above ten men killed and wounded during the whole cannonade, in which, 
I believe, six pieces of artillery were constantly employed for half an hour. 

'* Beverley sustained no other injury during the action than the loss of his blankets, which were 
on his horse. Lawson, Skipwith, Mumford, Holcombe, and every other officer of your acquaintance 
sustained none at all. When I got to the iron works, Dr. Armstrong and Copeland very kindly 
assisted me, looking out for a house to lodge in where I might not be inconvenienced by numbers or 
distressed by the groans of the wounded. I yesterday obtained leave of absence from camp for a 
few days for the recovery of strength in my leg. I expect in five or six days to be able to return to 
my duty, which I am anxious to discharge in such a manner as not to subject me to any ill-natured 
reflections. Here let me take notice that I am much obliged to Gen. Lawson for a particular kind 
of attention which he has paid me ever since I have been with him. As my acquaintance with him 
was very slight, and I am conscious that my inexperience in military matters mu-t make me some- 
times act improperly, I think this acknowledgment due to a man, who is in general remarkable for 



a vigorous exaction of duty. Gen. Greene is also very polite and attentive to the Virginia officers. 
We are as happy in these respects as our most sanguine wishes could make us. Should Cornwallis 
attack us again I think he would purchase a second victory full as dearly as the first. Our troops 
are now somewhat used to the noise of guns, of which many had no idea before." 

The account given in this letter of the behavoir of the Virginia 
militia in the battle of Guilford Court House does not exactly agree 
with the accounts of this battle given in various histories. In Johnson's 
life of Gen. Greene we find it stated that a panic seized the North Caro- 
lina militia when they saw the British approaching, and that they fled 
without firing more than once ; but, that " the Virginians stood firm, 
notwithstanding the abject example set them ; and opening their files, 
passed the retreating troops into the rear, with taunts and ridicule." 
However, when the British left began to press with great ardor on the 
American right, Lawson's brigade began to yield, and, finally, its retreat 
became general and determinate." Again, Ave find in the life of Gen. 
Greene, written by his grandson, the following : " And now (i. e. after 
the flight of the North Carolina militia) it was that the battle began ; 
for the Virginia militia, undismayed by the shameful flight of their com- 
panions, faced the enemy with perfect coolness, and, aiming their 
pieces with the precision of practiced marksmen, so opened many a fatal 
gap in their files." Gen. Greene, in his letter to the President of Con- 
gress giving an account of the battle, said, " The Virginia militia gave 
the enemy a warm reception, and kept up a heavy fire for a long time ; 
but being beat back, the action became general almost everywhere." 
Now Major Tucker would very naturally feel great humiliation at the 
slightest demonstration of fear on the part of the men under his special 
charge ; and any token of their cowardice would be of the first magni- 
tude in his eyes. Moreover he did not attempt to give an account of the 
whole engagement, but only of the part in which he was active ; and in 
writing to his wife he was very apt to give vent to the bitterness of his 
feelings. However, Col. Randolph and himself were successful in rally- 
ing a number of the scattered men, who returned boldly to the fight 
and retrieved their lost honor. 

The exact date of the next letter is not known, as it is torn from the 

Camp at Guilford Court House. 

" I wrote to you from the Laura Town on last Sunday by Col. Munford, who promised if pos- 
sible to convey my letter to you, and to let you know that I am in safety, notwithstanding the for- 
midable battle we had with my lord on the 15th. I gave you in my last as good an account as I was 
capable of that part of the action in which I was concerned. Our opinions respecting Lord Corn- 
wallis' loss are confirmed by his leaving upwards of seventy of his wounded to the clemency of 



Gen. Greene. Our own wounded, amounting to nearly the same number, were also left at Guilford 
Court House. But for these Gen. Greene took a receipt as prisoners exchanged. * * * I wrote 
you in my last that our loss did not amount to more than two hundred — I believe I was rather below 
the mark. Cornwallis must have lost near seven hundred in killed and wounded. His horse was 
killed under him. Tarleton had two fingers cut off his right hand, as we hear. His lordship is, I 
believe, moving southward. Whether we shall bring him to another engagement is a doubtful point. 
I think if my lord should be disposed for a second battle we shall give a good account of him, for 
our men are much more reconciled to the din of battle than they were heretofore. We are now fol- 
lowing his lordship, but I fear we shall not soon overtake him. You will readily suppose from 
receiving a letter from me in camp that my leg has gotten better. The inflammation has entirely 
subsided, and I can now walk without even limping. I got to camp again this morning." 

" March 24th, 1781. 
" Gen. Greene, from whom I have received every polite attention, has just added to the num- 
ber of his civilities by desiring his respects to be sent to you, as flattering himself he may at a future 
day have the honor of knowing you. I am in too large a crowd to add more." 

Here end the letters relating to the engagement which took place at 
Guilford Court House ; for the militia, overcome by the scantiness of 
supplies, demanded their discharge, which was granted on the thirtieth 
of March. This was a great blow to Gen. Greene, for it deprived him 
of about 1,577 men [see Johnson's life of Greene, Vol. II., p. 18]. The 
militia had been called out for only six weeks, which time had elapsed, 
and, most of them being farmers, their presence was necessary at their 
respective homes. So with a heavy heart, which, however, did not pre- 
vent his expressing his warmest thanks to the Virginians for the services 
they had rendered, Gen. Greene granted them permission to leave the 

The report given in these letters of the killed, wounded, and missing 
is exceedingly correct. The official report made two days after the 
battle might have been a correct one for that time. About one half of 
the North Carolina militia and many of the Virginia, never halted in 
their retreat from the field of battle until they reached their own vines 
and fig-trees ; but a great number of them, reported as missing on the 
roll of March 17th, returned to the army. Johnson in his life of Greene 
computes the loss as somewhat exceeding two hundred, and this account 
agrees with that given by Major Tucker. With regard to his statement 
of the loss on the British side he is sustained by Gen. Greene in a letter 
written on March 20th to Gen. Morgan ; although the official reports of 
the British estimate the loss in killed, wounded, and missing as 595, 
which reports are supported by Lieut. Col. Tarleton [see Tarleton's 
campaigns, p. 276 et seg.~] In the statement regarding the number of 
British wounded left to the clemency of the American general, Major 
Tucker is supported by Gen. Greene in the letter to Gen. Morgan 



referred to above, and by Lieut. Col. Tarleton in his entertaining- and 
valuable " Campaigns." 

In Johnson's Life of Greene occurs the following passage : "At 
the time of the rout of the guards (at the battle of Guilford Court 
House) a number of prisoners were made and secured by the Amer- 
icans; and the muse of Mr. St. George Tucker, who shared in the 
honors of this field, has recorded a fact, which proves that more might 
have been made, had the American army had time to distinguish the 
real dead from those, who, like Shakespeare's fat knight, thought dis- 
cretion the better part of valour." 

Meeting with this reference to the muse of Mr. Tucker, I was led 
to examine some old manuscripts in his handwriting, among which I 
discovered the poem alluded to. It was written in camp five days 
after the battle, and is a parody on the proclamation issued by Lord 
Cornwallis a few days previous. It is very amusing. 






From Tar/eton's Campaigns in the Southern 

By the Right Honorable Charles, 
Earl Cornwallis, Lieutenant- 
General of His Majesty's forces, 


" Whereas, by the blessing of Al- 
mighty God, His Majesty's arms have 
been crowned with signal success, by 
the complete victory obtained over the 
rebel forces on the 15th instant, I have 
thought proper to issue this proclama- 
tion to call upon all loyal subjects to 
stand forth, and take an active part in 
restoring good order and government. 
And whereas, it has been represented to 
me that many persons in this province 
who have taken a share in this most 
unnatural rebellion, but having expe- 
rienced the oppression and injustice of 
the rebel government, and having seen 
the errors into which they have been 
deluded by falsehoods and misrepresen- 
tations, are sincerely desirous of return- 
ing to their duty and allegiance, I do 
hereby notify and promise to all such 
persons (murderers excepted) that if 
they will surrender themselves, with 
their arms and ammunition, at head- 
quarters, or to the officer commanding 
in the district contiguous to their re- 
spective places of residence, on or 
before the 20th day of April next, they 
shall be permitted to return to their 
homes, upon giving a military parole, 
and shall be protected in their persons 
and properties from all sorts of violence 
from the British troops, and will be re- 

stored as soon as possible to all the 
privileges of legal and constitutional 

" Given under my hand at head 
quarters, this 18th day of March, A. D. 
1 78 1, and in the twenty-fifth year of 
His Majesty's reign. 



{Written in camp, March 30th, 1781.] 

" By Charles, by title Lord Cornwallis, 
The scourge of all rebellious follies, 
Lieutenant-General commanding 
The British forces of long standing, 
With three etceteras at the end, 
Which mean more than you understand, 

Whereas, by providence divine, 
Which on our arms has deign'd to shine, 
On Thursday last we fought a battle 
With lousy, vile, rebellious cattle, 
And, to our everlasting Glory 
(Unaided by a single tory), 
The rebel forces did defeat 
And gain a victory compleat, 
Whereby his Majesty's command 
Is reestablished in the land. 
And loyalty uprears its head, 
While curst rebellion goes to bed, 
I, therefore, willing to uphold 
The weak and to reward the bold, 
Do issue this my Proclamation 
Without regard to sect or station, 
Requiring every loyal tory 
To come to me and share the glory 
And toil of bringing back to reason 
The wretches guilty of high treason, 
Whereby the government benign 
Of Britain's majesty divine, 
With lustre primitive may shine. 
Moreover, since I understand 
That divers persons in the land, 
By vile seducers led astray, 
Have left the true and perfect way 
Which loyal subjects should pursue, 
And join'd with the rebellious crew, 
Grown sorry, for their former fault, 
Are anxious now to make a halt, 
And cured of their rebellious pride, 
Would wish to turn of our side, 
To such I hereby notify 
(As God shall judge me when I die) 
That (murderers alone excepted, 
For whom no grace can be expected), 

4 6 


If they will to my quarters run, 

With their accoutrements and gun, 

In thirty days, next from this date, 

They shall eschew a rebel's fate, 

And be permitted to go back 

With a parole, like pill of quack 

To cure the numerous disorders 

That rage upon our army's borders ; 

Or, like a talisman to charm 

Our soldiery from doing harm. 

Though truth obliges us to own 

They will not cure a broken bone, 

Nor 'gainst the rebels yield resistance, 

Or keep their army at a distance ; 

If such effects they could produce, 

We'd keep them for our army's use. 

But this is only by the by — 

On their effects you may rely. 

Let no ill-natured imputation 

Be cast on this our proclamation, 

Because from hence, with God's permission, 

I mean to march with expedition ; 

Though I confess we do not mean 

To go in quest of Mr. Greene, 

Who ten miles distant — it is said — 

Weeps o'er his wounds and broken head. 

Humanity, the soldier's glory, 

Which dignifies each loyal tory, 

Which fills each generous Briton's breast, 

In all my actions stands confess'd. 

Her voice forbade me to pursue 

The frighted, naked, rebel crew, 

Who fled an half mile or more 

Before their panic they got o'er. 

Humanity alike commands 

Of bloody deeds to wash our hands, 

And should we follow Mr. Greene, 

Much blood might then be spilt I ween. 

Humanity commands to yield 

The wounded whom we won in field ! 

Nay more, she bids us leave behind 

The maim'd, the halt, the sick, the blind 

Among our soldiers, who might prove 

A hindrance as we backward move. 

Her high behests we then obey. 

Now strike our tents and march away. 

March the eighteenth, eighty-one, 

At Guilford Court House this is done. 

Note. — At the foot of the page in the original manuscript is added, in the handwriting of 
Judge Tucker, the following note : " This doggerel was written in camp March the 30th, 1781." 

C. W. C, Jr. 


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As the family seat for nearly two centuries, of a pure and lofty-minded 
race, and as a lingering example of the domestic architecture of the an- 
cien regime in Virginia, the historic building at Yorktown, known as the 
Nelson House, would arrest attention as a memorable object, did not 
its impressive association with the decisive event of the American Rev- 
olution invest it with a more significant interest. 

The progenitor of the Nelson family in Virginia was Thomas (dis- 
tinguished in the traditions of the family as Scotch Tom), the son of 
Hugh and Sarah Nelson of Penrith, Cumberland county, England, who 
was born February 20th, 1677, and emigrated to the Colony in early 
manhood. He settled as an importing merchant at Yorktown, then the 
chief sea-port of Virginia. Here he died, October 7th, 1745. He 
married twice ; first, Margaret Reed, and secondly, Mrs. Frances 
Tucker, nee Courtenay. He had issue, by his first wife, two sons and a 
daughter, and by the last a daughter. Some notice of each of the sons 
is essential to our narrative. The first, William, was born in 171 1, and 
died November 19th, 1772. He followed in the respected career of his 
father as a merchant, adding largely by his honest gains to the ample es- 
tate which he inherited. It is claimed in evidence of his enterprise that 
he imported goods to supply the then incipient marts of Baltimore and 
Philadelphia, as well as for Virginia consumption. He was long a 
member of the Council of Virginia and often its presiding officer. Hence, 
the designation of President Nelson by which he was commonly 
called. On the death of Lord Botetourt in October, 1770, President 
Nelson, in virtue of his office, was invested with the government of the 
colony, which he administered until the arrival of Lord Dunmore early 
in the year 1772. He married, in February, 1737, Elizabeth, daughter of 
Nathaniel and Elizabeth (Carter) Burwell, and had issue five sons and 
one daughter. Three of these sons, one of whom was General Thomas 
Nelson, distinguished themselves in the revolution. 

The second son of Scotch Tom, the emigrant, Thomas Nelson, Jr., 
as he subscribed himself, was born in 1716, and died at Yorktown in 
1786. He occupied a seat in the Virginia Council for thirty years, dur- 
ing which protracted period he also acted as its Secretary. This was 


an office of important trust and of emolument, it being charged with 
the preservation of the records of all public acts and of the land office. 
Secretary Nelson, as he was known in virtue of his office, married 
Lucy, daughter of John and Martha (Burwell) Armistead, by whom 
he had issue ten children, among whom were three sons, who served 
with distinction in the army of the revolution. He is described by a 
vivacious traveler, the Marquis de Chastellux, who saw him at 
Offley, in Hanover County, the country seat of his nephew, General 
Thomas Nelson, in 1782, as " an old magistrate, whose white locks, 
noble figure and stature, which was above the common size, commanded 
respect and veneration." 

The Nelson House, a large two-storied brick structure with corners 
of hewn stone, ''built on the old English model," stands on the main 
street of Yorktown, fronting the river. The time of its erection, 
according to the gentle annalist Bishop Meade, may be fixed at 1712, 
since he narrates that, " the corner stone of it was laid by old President 
Nelson (born 171 1), when an infant, as it was designed for him. He was 
held by his nurse and the brick in his apron was passed through his little 
hand." The good bishop, whose ancestors were among the occupants 
of its spacious halls, thus enthusiastically apostrophizes the old mansion : 
" It was long the abode of love, friendship and hospitality. 

Farewell, a prouder mansion I may see, 

But much must meet in that which equals thee ! " 

As one said of modern Italy, "Our memory sees more than our eyes 
in this place." What Paulding says of Virginia may emphatically be 
said of York: 

" All hail, thou birth-place of the glowing west ! 
Thou seem'st like the ruined eagle's nest." 

The Nelson mansion descended to the eldest son of President 
Nelson, the patriot Thomas Nelson, Jr., and was his residence until 
the threatened dangers of the prospective siege of York prompted 
the removal of his family to Offley, the seat already mentioned. 
Through the stirring relation which the Nelson House holds by tra- 
dition to the memorable siege, many popular writers have fallen into the 
error of assigning it as the headquarters of Cornwallis, a mistake in 
identity which, by repetition, has fixed itself upon the public mind. The 
residence so occupied was instead, that of Secretary Thomas Nelson, 
who has been accredited with cherishing sentiments inimical to the cause 


of freedom. The following extract from Chastellux, whose opportuni- 
ties as a participant in the final brilliant scenes of the war, and as a 
privileged guest of the Nelson family, should render his statement con- 
clusive, vindicates Secretary Nelson, and decides the question as to 
the location of the headquarters of Cornwallis : 

" Too far advanced in age to desire a revolution, too prudent to 
check the great event, if necessary, and too faithful to his countrymen 
to separate his interests from theirs, he chose the crisis of this alter- 
cation to retire from public affairs. Thus did he opportunely quit the 
theatre when new pieces demanded fresh actors, and took his seat 
among the spectators, content to offer up his wishes for the success of 
the drama, and to applaud those who acted well their part. But in the 
last campaign chance produced him on the scene and made him unfor- 
tunately famous. 

11 He lived at York, where he had built a very handsome house, from 
which neither European taste nor luxury was excluded. A chimney- 
piece and some bas-reliefs of very fine marble, exquisitely sculptured, 
were particularly admired, when fate conducted Lord Cornwallis to 
this town to be disarmed as well as his till then victorious troops. 
Secretary Nelson did not think it necessary to fly from the English, to 
whom his conduct could not have made him disagreeable, nor have 
furnished any just motive of suspicion. He was well received by the 
General, who established his headquarters in his house, which was built 
on an eminence near the most important fortification, and in the most 
agreeable situation of the town. It was the first object which struck 
the sight as you approached the town, but instead of travelers, it soon 
drew the attention of our bombardiers and cannoniers and was almost 
entirely destroyed. Mr. Nelson lived in it at the time our batteries 
tried their first shot and killed one of his negroes at a little distance 
from him ; so that Cornwallis was obliged to seek another asylum. But 
what asylum could be found for an old man deprived of the use of his 
legs by the gout? But above all, what asylum could defend him 
against the cruel anguish a father must feel at being besieged by his 
own children? for he had two in the American army. So that every 
shot, whether fired from the town or from the trenches, might prove 
equally fatal to him ; I was witness to the cruel anxiety of one of these 
young men, when, after the flag was sent to demand his father, he kept 
his eyes fixed upon the gate of the town, by which it was to come out, 
and seemed to expect his own sentence in the answer. Lord Cornwallis 
had too much humanity to refuse a request so just, nor can I recollect 


without emotion, the moment in which I saw this old gentleman alight 
at General Washington's. He was seated, the fit of the gout not having 
yet left him ; and whilst we stood around him, he related to us, with a 
serene countenance, what had been the effect of our batteries, and how 
much his house had suffered from the first shot." 

This account is corroborated by Campbell and Howe, and by a de- 
scendant of Secretary Nelson [his great grandson, William N. Nelson, 
of Millwood, Clarke County, Va.], in a recent letter, who adds, that his 
ancestor was permitted by Lord Cornwallis to take with him, on leaving 
his mansion, such of his personal effects as himself and companions 
could convey, and that the family plate was thus saved by a negro 
servant, Louis, who brought it out wrapped in a blanket. 

The Nelson House, which has endured, though it was not the 
headquarters of Cornwallis, has a no less notable connection with the 
siege, in the lofty patriotism exemplified by its owner, General Thomas 
Nelson, Jr., who, rightly supposing that it was occupied by some of the 
British officers, and having command of the first battery which opened 
upon the town, he pointed the first gun against his own dwelling, and 
offered to the gunner a reward of five guineas for every bomb-shell that 
should be fired into it. The marks of their effects are visible to this 
day. Driven from his quarters in the town by the devastating iron 
hail from the American artillery, Cornwallis retired for conference with 
his officers to a cave which had been constructed in the bank of the 
river, which was lined with green baize. No traces of this council 
chamber are left, though another cavern a quarter of a mile nearer the 
town, which was made by some of the inhabitants of York, in which to 
hide their valuables, is pointed out as Cornwallis' Cave. 

Of the eminent patriot, to whose possession, through incidental 
association, the Nelson House owes it chief distinction, some account 
is due here: 

Thomas, the eldest son of President William and Elizabeth 
(Carter) Nelson, was born December 26th, 1738. After having been 
under the tuition of Rev. William Yates, of Gloucester, afterwards 
President of William and Mary College, he was sent at the age of four- 
teen to England to finish his education, remaining seven years. He 
enjoyed there the superintending care of the celebrated Dr. Beilby 
Porteus, afterwards Bishop of London, who later sent to his former 
ward in Virginia a volume of his sermons in token of remembrance. 
Thomas was first at the school of Dr. Newcome, at Hackny; then at 
Eaton. Graduated with distinction from Trinity College, Cambridge, 


he returned to Virginia in his twenty-second year. Whilst on the voyage, 
from respect to his father, he was elected a member of the House of 
Burgesses. He married in 1762, Lucy Grymes, of Middlesex, the eldest 
daughter of Philip and Mary (Randolph) Grymes, the elder, of 
Brandon. He was associated in business with his father, from whom, 
at the death of the latter, he received a portion of ^"40,000 sterling. 
Thomas Nelson was a member of the Virginia conventions of 1774 and 
1775, and displayed extraordinary boldness in resisting British tyranny. 
He was elected by the Convention in July, 1775, colonel of the Second 
Virginia regiment, which post he resigned on being elected to the Con- 
tinental Congress the same year. He was a conspicuous member of the 
Convention of 1776, which framed the constitution of Virginia. He 
was a member of the Committee on Articles of Confederation, and July 
5, 1776, signed the Declaration of Independence. Restless for active 
service in the field, he resigned his seat in Congress in May, 1777, and 
in August following was appointed commander-in-chief of the State 
forces of Virginia. He soon after raised a troop of cavalry with which 
he repaired to Philadelphia. Resuming his duties in the Virginia Legis- 
lature he strongly opposed the proposition to sequestrate British prop- 
erty, on the ground that it would be an unjust retaliation of public 
wrongs on private individuals. He was again elected to Congress in 
February, 1779, but was obliged by indisposition to resign his seat. In 
May he was called upon to organize the State militia and repel an 
invading expedition of the enemy. A loan of $2,000,000 being called 
for by Virginia in June, 1780, and in that period of despondency and 
distrust being difficult to obtain, General Nelson, by strenuous 
endeavors, and on his own personal security, raised a large portion of 
the amount. He also advanced money to pay two Virginia regiments 
ordered to the south, which refused to march until arrearages due them 
were paid. In the then critical aspect of affairs, upon the resignation of 
Governor Jefferson, a military executive being deemed a necessity, 
General Nelson was, June 12, 1781, elected to succeed him, opposing in 
person, with what militia he could command, with sleepless vigilance 
and untiring energy, the enemy who were ravaging the State; antici- 
pating the wants of the service with remarkable comprehensive forecast, 
and a provision wonderful, in view of the difficulties which beset him. 
He died at his seat, Offley, in Hanover County, January 4, 1789, leaving 
as a legacy to his family naught but an imperishable record — sublime in 
its lofty aims and disinterested patriotism; for his advances for Virginia 
had impoverished him, and the claims of his remaining creditors literally 


beggared them. An effort was made in 1822 by the late St. George 
Tucker before the Virginia Assembly for indemnity to the heirs of Gen- 
eral Nelson for advances made by the latter during the revolution, 
which, after various contemptuous delays, was at last referred to 
a select committee, who rendered an " eloquent report setting forth in 
glowing language" the merits, etc., of General Nelson, and concluding 
with the words, " that a just regard for the character of the State 
requires that some compensation should be made to his representatives 
for the losses sustained." The report was adopted by the House of 
Delegates, and on motion the committee discharged from the duty of 
bringing in a bill in conformity thereto. The matter remained dormant 
until 1 83 1, when, being again brought up, it was referred to the First and 
Second Auditors of the State, who reported against the claim. The 
heirs finally petitioned Congress on the 10th December, 1833, when, after 
vexatious delays, it was finally reported on, and unfavorably. Never 
before in the history of nations have patriotic services so eminent and 
so essentially vital, and sacrifices personally so absolute, been more un- 
gratefully requited. The disease which carried off General Nelson was 
aphtha, occasioned by the exposure incident to his military services. 
His remains were conveyed to Yorktown and buried at the foot of the 
grave of his father. No stone marks the spot. His grandson, Philip 
Nelson, presented, December 7, 1839, a petition to the General Assembly 
of Virginia for the payment of the claims of General Nelson, which, 
after various delays, in sheer hopelessness of success, was withdrawn in 
September, 1840. A fort built at Louisville, Ky., in 1782, was named 
Fort Nelson in honor of General Nelson, as was also Nelson County, 
Va. His statue in bronze is one of the six which adorn the Washington 
monument in the public square at Richmond, Va. The only portrait of 
him for which he ever sat is preserved in the State Library of Virginia. 
It was painted by Chamberlain in London, in 1754, whilst the subject 
was a student in Eaton. It represents him as a handsome, ruddy- 
cheeked, brown-haired youth, with oval contour of face and a most 
engaging expression of countenance. 

During the last visit to this country, in 1824, of the generous 
Lafayette, the benefactor and life-long friend of America, a brilliant 
commemorative pageant was held in his honor at Yorktown. The 
headquarters assigned him on this interesting occasion was the 
Nelson House. General Lafayette, accompanied by his son, George 
Washington Lafayette ; his private secretary, M. Le Vasseur ; the Hon. 
John C. Calhoun, Secretary of War, and several distinguished officers 



of the army and navy of the United States, left Washington on the 
morning of Monday, the 18th of October, in the steamboat Petersburg, 
followed by the steamboats Potomac and Richmond, the former from 
Alexandria and the latter from Norfolk. The steamboat Virginia left 
York the same day at 1 1 o'clock, and proceeded down the river, followed 
by the steamboats United States, from Baltimore, and the Virginia, 
from Richmond, and met the convoy of Lafayette at the mouth of the 
river. The General, according to previous arrangement, then debarked 
from the Petersburg to the Virginia, upon which he was received by 
the committee of arrangements, Col. Bassett Burwell, chairman, with a 
salute of fifteen guns. The committee was accompanied by Chief Jus- 
tice Marshall and other distinguished citizens of Virginia, and a number 
of ladies. Lafayette was greeted most eloquently in an address of wel- 
come by the Hon. Benjamin Watkins Leigh, in behalf of the State, and 
responded as follows: "I am happy, sir, to find myself again, after a 
long absence, and to be so kindly welcomed by your Excellency, on the 
beloved soil of the State of Virginia, that State to which I am bound 
by so many old ties of gratitude, devotion and mutual confidence. It 
is to the patriotic support I found in the civil authorities of this State, 
whose generous spirit had already shone from the beginning of the 
Revolutionary contest ; it is to the zeal, the courage, the perseverance 
of the Virginia militia, in conjunction with our small, gallant Contin- 
ental army, that we have been indebted for the success of a campaign, 
arduous in its beginning, fruitful in its happy issue. Nothing can be 
more gratifying to my feelings than the testimony I receive of my liv- 
ing still in the hearts of the Virginians ; and I beg you, sir, to be pleased 
to accept and transmit to the citizens of this State the cordial tribute of 
my grateful, constant and affectionate regard." Upon the conclusion of 
these remarks, a sumptuous cold collation was served, the band struck 
up Washington's March, and repeated salutes were fired from the 
approaching vessels. The water scene soon became highly picturesque, 
the river being crowded with various sails, which had brought visitors 
from other waters in the State, and the beach and adjacent heights were 
thronged with eager spectators. The Virginia then returned to York, 
followed by the Petersburg and the Richmond on the larboard side, and 
the Potomac and the United States on the starboard ; the Virginia fol- 
lowing in the rear in the centre. 

General Lafayette, upon landing at Yorktown, was supported by 
Colonels Bassett, Harvis, Peyton and Jones, who introduced him to the 
Governor of the State (Pleasants), who received him in a warm address 


of welcome, which was feelingly responded to by the General. The 
procession then formed, and the Nation's Guest, in an elegant 
barouche, drawn by four beautiful gray horses, moved up into the town 
to the allotted quarters of Lafayette in the Nelson House. Here he 
dined with a select company of some twenty or thirty, consisting of the 
Governor, the committee and surviving officers of the Revolution. At 
night the mansion and the Richmond marquee, with its three wings, upon 
a commanding spot in front, were illuminated and decked with transpar- 
encies with appropriate devices. On Monday, the 18th, the reception was 
purely civic, not a soldier appearing under arms, but on the following 
day, the 19th, the military spectacle was brilliant and imposing. The 
memorable ground of Yorktown was converted into a camp ; and the 
harbor was filled with vessels. A few yards beyond the town, to the 
east, were to be seen the remains of the nearest British lines, the mounds 
of the embankment and the ditch. In the midst of the camp the tent 
of Washington (loaned for the occasion by George Washington Parke 
Custis) was conspicuously located near the house in which its 
illustrious owner had his headquarters. To this, soon after breakfast, 
Lafayette repaired on foot, surrounded by the Committee of Arrange- 
ments and others. Numbers were there introduced to him — many ladies, 
veteran soldiers of the Revolution, and citizens from every section of 
Virginia and from other States of the Union — after which he was intro- 
duced to Colonel Wm. I. Lewis, of Campbell County, who, in behalf of 
his fellow-survivors of the Revolution there present, delivered an 
address suitable to the occasion. Upon its conclusion Lafayette, in the 
equipage already mentioned, accompanied by the Governor of Virginia, 
Chief Justice Marshall, and Mr. Secretary Calhoun, proceeded to the 
grand triumphal arch which had been erected on the spot where once 
stood the redoubt which he had stormed, and which covered a span of 
forty feet. The basement story was constructed of rustic work, and the 
arch sprung to a height of twenty-four feet, the abutments of which 
were ornamented with figures of Fame and Victory. The keystones 
were thirteen in number, each bearing a star, to denote the thirteen 
original States. Wings on each side were formed with niches, which 
accommodated various symbols; those in the basement story present- 
ing the Fasces (emblematical of unity), with helmets, battle-axes and 
other implements of war; those above contained the statue of Liberty 
trampling on tyranny, and the figure of Justice, over which were placed 
the names of Laurens and Hamilton, the aids of Lafayette at the time of 
his storming the redoubt. The whole was surmounted by an entabla- 


ture forty feet from the ground, on which was supported, by four pilas- 
ters of the Tuscan order, an altar, flight of steps in the centre, upon 
which rested an eagle, carved of wood and painted in imitation of white 
marble, six feet in height, supporting " a large civic wreath after the 
manner of the one at St. Stephen's Chapel at Rome." The whole front 
was painted of a light brown stone color ; the pilasters, entablature, 
figures and other ornaments being painted to represent white marble, 
presented an imposing and highly pleasing effect. There were also 
two obelisks, each twenty-six feet in height, erected, one at the spot 
which was stormed by Viomenil, bearing on each side of its pedestals 
the names of Viomenil, Dumas, Deux Ponts and De Noailles, with appro- 
priate ornaments at the top ; and the other on the spot where the sword 
of Cornwallis was surrendered. Its pedestal on the side fronting to the 
north bore the name " Washington," on the west the inscription, " First 
in War," on the south, " First in Peace," and on the east, "First in the 
Hearts of his Countrymen;" a symbolic figure of carved wood painted 
white being placed above each portion of the inscription. The shaft 
was inscribed with the names of " Nelson, Rochambeau, St. Simon and 
De Grasse." (See Richmond Enquirer, October 22, 1824.) 

The assembled concourse numbered several thousands. The mili- 
tary present represented volunteer organizations from the several 
sections of the State, and included some five hundred troops from the 
regular army. General Robert B. Taylor, who commanded on the 
occasion, received Lafayette under the triumphal arch with an eloquent 
address, replete with stirring allusions. In connection with a conclud- 
ing tribute, he strove to place upon the brow of Lafayette a chaplet 
formed of the leaves of the laurel and oak, symbolically intermingled 
with those of the cypress, expressive of his heroism and commemoration 
of the lamented dead, his compatriots. Lafayette was deeply affected. 
There was a solemn earnestness in his manner, a touching sensibility in 
his countenance which deeply impressed every observer. As the hover- 
ing wreath approached his brow, he caught it with his right hand and, 
respectfully bowing, dropped it to his side, and replied : " I most cordi- 
ally thank you, my dear General, and your companions in arms, for your 
affectionate welcome, your kind recollections, and the flattering expres- 
sions of your friendship. Happy I am to receive them on these already 
ancient lines, where the united arms of America and France have been 
gloriously engaged in a holy alliance, to support the rights of American 
Independence, and the sacred principle of the sovereignty of the people. 
Happy, also, to be so welcomed on the particular spot where my dear 


Light Infantry comrades acquired one of their honorable claims to 
public love and esteem. You know, sir, that in this business of storm- 
ing redoubts, with unloaded arms and fixed bayonets, the merit of the 
deed is in the soldiers who execute it ; and to each of them I am anxious 
to acknowledge their equal share of honor. Let me, however, with 
affection and gratitude, pay a special tribute to the gallant name of 
Hamilton, who commanded the attack, to the three field officers who 
seconded him, Gimat, Laurens and Fish, the only surviving one, my 
friend now near me. In their name, my dear General, in the name of 
the Light Infantry, those who have lost, as well as those who survive, 
and only in common with them, I accept the crown with which you are 
pleased to honor us, and I offer you the return of the most grateful 
acknowledgments." The General was not apprized of the intended 
address or of the offering, and his readiness in the emergency was most 
happy. Upon the conclusion of his response, he turned, and drawing 
Colonel Fish to the front, said, "Here, half of this wreath belongs 
to youT " No, sir," replied the Colonel, li it is all your own." " Then," 
rejoined Lafayette, putting it into the Colonel's hand, " take it, and 
preserve it as our common property!' The whole scene was sublimely 
impressive. After this ceremony, the line passed and paid the guest 
military honors, and the General then resumed his barouche, and the 
military, in line of march, took up the escort. On a platform and gal- 
lery erected on the field were seated nearly twelve hundred ladies, 
who, by their presence, gave additional delight and brilliancy to the 
scene. The attention of the General was early arrested by this fair 
assemblage, and requesting the escort to halt, he directed the barouche 
to leave the line and drive up to the platform, where, stopping at inter- 
vals, he expressed the gratification and pleasure these marks of attention 
were peculiarly calculated to afford. He resumed his place in the line, 
amidst the cheerings of the citizens and strangers, and the waving of 
handkerchiefs, and the procession then escorted him to his quarters in 
town. A sumptuous dinner followed, enlivened with appropriate toasts. 
In the evening there was a splendid display of fireworks. On Wednes- 
day, the 20th October, Lafayette partook of a military breakfast in the 
tent of Washington, where all the officers and soldiers in the field were 
introduced. After a short time he went forth to salute the crowd of 
citizens who stood in the street. He stationed himself at the gate, and 
the long line of spectators passed by him. Each person seized his hand 
as he passed him. To all, Lafayette extended some mark of tenderness 
and consideration. The spectacle was deeply impressive. Lafayette 



proceeded on the same day to Williamsburg, and visited in succession, 
by special invitations, Norfolk, Petersburg and Richmond, being re- 
ceived everywhere with the enthusiasm and grateful welcome which 
marked the whole progress of his tour from his first landing upon the 
shores of America. (See Life of Lafayette and tour through United 
States, Hartford, 185 1). 

In the early months of our late civil war, the " Nelson House" was 
occupied as quarters by the Confederate soldiers, then stationed on the 
Peninsula, and we are informed that a large number of family papers, 
covering a period of a century and a half, stored in its attics, were utilized 
by some Louisiana Zouaves as bedding. They were gathered up by 
permission of General Geo. W. Randolph, then in command of the 
Confederates, by a visitor from Richmond, and brought thither, but we 
know not their fate. After the battle of Bethel, June 10, 1861, the 
Nelson House did service as a hospital for the accommodation of the 
Federal soldiers wounded in that engagement, who fell into the hands 
of the Confederates. 





Family of Thomas Nelson 

His tomb in the old church-yard at York- 
town — a handsome altar of white marble, elab- 
orately carved — is inscribed as follows : 

[Arms — Per pale, argent, and sable, a chevron be- 
tween 3 fleur de lis counter-changed. Crest — a fleur de lis.] 
Hie jacet 
Thomas Nelson Generosis 
Filius Hugonis et Sarai Nelson, 
de Penrith, in Comitata Cambrine 
Natus 20 mo. die Februarie, Anno Domini 1677. 
Vitae bone gestae finem implevit 
7 mo. die Octobns, 1745. Aetatis suse 68. 

He married, first, Margaret Reed, by whom he 
had issue. 

I. William [President], of whom in the text. 
His tomb, located near that of his father, of 
brick, with a handsomely wrought marble slab, 
bears the following inscription : 

[Nelson Arms.] 
Here lies the body of the Honorable William 

Nelson, Esquire, 

late President of his Majesty's Council in this 

Dominion. In whom the love of man and the love 

of God so restrained and enforced each other 

and so invigorated the mental powers in general 

as not only to defend him from the vices and follies 

of his country, but also to render it a matter 

of difficult decision in what part of laudable 

conduct he most excelled. Whether in the tender 

and endearing accomplishments of domestic life 

or in the more active duties of a wider circuit. 

As a neighbour, a gentleman, or a magistrate, 

whether in the graces of hospitality, or in the — of charity 

or of piety. Reader, if you feel the spirit of that 

excellent ardour, which aspires to the felicity 

of conscious virtue animated by those consolations 

and divine admonitions, perform the 

the task and expect the distinction of the 

righteous man. 

He died the 19th of November, Anno Domini 1772 ; 

aged 61. 

II. Thomas Nelson, Jr. [Secretary], of whom 
in the text. 

III. Mary, married to Colonel Edmund Berke- 
ley of Barn Elms, Middlesex county. 

Married, second, Mrs. Frances Tucker, net 
Courtenay, by whom he had issue. 

IV. Sarah, daughter by second wife, Frances 
Courtenay, married to Colonel Robert Carter 
Burwell, the brother of the wife of her brother 

Family of President William Nelson 

He married Elizabeth, daughter of Nathaniel 
Burwell in 1737, by whom he had issue. 
I. Thomas — General — (of whom in the text. 

II. Hugh, born 1750, lived at Yorktown, and died there 
October 3, 1800 • married Judith, daughter of Hon. 
John and Jane (Byrd, daughter of Col. William of 
Westover) Page of North River. 

III. Robert, subaltern in the Revolutinary army, of 

Malvern Hills, Charles City Co.; married 1st 
Mary, daughter of Philip Grymes, and sister of the 
wife of his brother, General Thomas ; he married, 
secondly, Susan, daughter of Hon. John Robinson, 
Speaker of the House of Burgesses of Virginia, 
whose wife was Lucy, daughter of Augustine 
Moore of Chelsea, King William Co. 

IV. Nathaniel, married Jane, daughter of Hon. John 

Page, the sister of the wife of his brother Hugh. 
He died in Bermuda. 
V. William, Major in the Revolution, Chancellor of Vir- 
ginia and Professor of Law in William and Mary 
College- died 1813; married, first, — Taliaferro of 
James City Co.; secondly, Abby, daughter of Col. 
William Byrd of Westover, the second of the 
name and title in Virginia. 
VI. Elizabeth married Capt. — Thompson, of his Ma- 
jesty's ship Ripon, which brought Lord Botetourt 
over to Virginia. 

Nathaniel Burwell was the son of Major 
Lewis and Lucy (Higginson) Burwell of Fair- 
field, on Carter's Creek, Gloucester county — the 
first of the name in Virginia — who died in 1658. 
His wife Elizabeth was the daughter of Robert 
(from his extensive landed possessions, known 
as King) Carter. 

Family of Secretary Thomas Nelson, Jr. 

He married Lucy, daughter of John Armi- 
stead, by whom he had issue, ten children. 

Of these, Colonel William was engaged at 
Monmouth, Brandywine, and in other battles in 
the army of Washington, and was also at the 
siege of York; Captain Thomas and Major John 
Nelson also served in the army of the revolution. 
The descendants of Secretary Nelson have inter- 
married with the Chiswell, Cary, Carter, Meux, 
Page, Spotswood, Wellford and other prominent 
families of Virginia. 

John Armistead was second in descent from 
William Armistead, or D'Armstad, who, accor- 
ding to tradition, emigrated to Virginia from 
Hesse Darmstadt, in or about 1636, and settled 
in Elizabeth City county. 

Note. — See the Richmond (Va.) Standard of 
June 7, 1879, for sketch of Thomas Nelson, Jr., 
the issue of December 13, 1779, for Petitions of 
the Heirs of Thomas Nelson, Jr., to Virginia 
and the General Government for Relief, and 
that of September 25th, 1880, for a genealogy 
of The Nelson Family of Virginia, by the 
present writer. R. A. B 




Under this heading we propose to publish articles on Historical Bibliography, 
special reference lists on American subjects, suggestions to book collectors, cal- 
endars of manuscripts and analytical remarks on these sources of History. Mere 
literal transcriptions of titles will be avoided, not only on account of the space 
they occupy, but as unnecessary in the preparation of reference lists for students 
or scholars. Many of these transcriptions would involve the copying of whole folio 
pages, that cannot be correctly printed, and are of value to bookdealers only. Col- 
lectors and compilers of narratives delight in such verbose titles, which are well 
known to all who read them. The title pages of Ramusius, Hakluyt, Purchas, 
etc., would alone occupy a large amount of valuable space. 

A short and clear reference to books or pamphlets is enough for our pur- 
pose, provided the proper edition, date and page are correctly indicated. A few 
remarks on the value of the book as an original work, or as a compilation, abridge- 
ment, etc., and, if possible, an indication of the sources whence it is derived, the 
author's status, his prejudices, veracity, etc., may be given as a guide to those for 
whom such lists are prepared. 

We now suggest a few subjects that could be thus treated by those familiar 
with them, and invite cooperation in the work. Several such lists on one subject 
will be gladly received, and so printed as to present one uniform chronological 
sequence of titles. Hardly any one of our American scholars or collectors can 
boast of the possession of all that has appeared on a given subject, but if each 
will kindly contribute what he can, a very desirable end will be accomplished. 

Here are a few of the special headings to which we invite attention, requesting 
suggestions for others and contributions for all of them : 

Bibliographies ; reference to articles Florida, Louisiana and Mexican pur- 

on. chases. 

State and town histories. Annexations by conquest or treaty. 

Boundaries of the United States and Northwest Territory. 

Territories. Red River Settlement. 

Boundaries of States. Hudson's Bay Company. 



North American and other Fur Com- 

Early Maps of North America and of 
the Provinces of N. A. 

Gazetteers of America or portions 
of it. 

Holland purchase. 

Susquehanna title. 

Lewis and Clark's Expedition. 

United States expeditions in the Ter- 

The seven years war in America. 

The battles of the war for Indepen- 
dence, or of single subjects relating 
thereto ; plans and maps illustrating 
them ; the navy of that time, its offi- 
cers, etc. The German auxiliaries 
of the British. The dealings with the 
French Republic ; with Napoleon 

The War of 1813 with Great Britain, 

Battles and plans. Naval conflicts 
relating to it. 

American aid to Greek Independence. 

War with the Barbary States. 

Indian wars, treaties, land purchases. 
Ethnography, monuments, etc. Mis- 
sions, Spanish, French, etc. Biogra- 
phies. Tribes, taken separately. 

French Colonies in America : Canada, 
Louisiana, Nova Scotia, Newfound- 
land, West Indies, South America, etc. 

Spanish Colonies and Dominions in 
America, North and South. 

Portuguese Colonies in South Amer- 
ica, West Indian Islands. 

Special subjects of American History. 
A field is open to subjects such as : 
The different sects established in 
America. The history of steam nav- 
igation in the United States. The 
Erie and other canals. 

We shall be glad to hear from any person interested in this class of study. 
Articles should not exceed four pages, or say two thousand words. 






The following hand-bill printed on 
one sheet of quarto size, with a wood 
engraving on the left upper corner, of 
two men of war in action, was issued as 
an Extra in commemoration of the 
naval battle. It was found carefully 
preserved in the one school book of my 
father, Samuel P. Hawes, then a Dor- 
chester boy of fourteen years, entitled, 
The Only True Guide to Learning, in 
which it has remained to this day. 

Almeria Miller 
Keytesville, Maryland. 



'Twas in the morning, the first day of June, 
We weighed our anchors, and sailed about noon, 
To meet a bold ship that hovered quite nigh, 
The force of our ship she seem'd to defy. 

Our Captain was brave, a man of high fame, 
For taking the Peacock * he'd a great name. 
We scarcely had pass'd Boston harbour's light, 
Before the Shannon was plain to our sight. 

On seeing our ship she stood from the shore, 
After her we sail'd for two hours, or more ; 
The weather was fine — a westerly breeze, 
No clouds to be seen, and still were the seas. 

Prepare for the conflict, without delay, 
Men, see that you do my orders obey — 
We'll fight till we die, our crew then reply'd, 
We'll conquer, or else we'll die by your side. 

Men quickly for action, our ship was clear' d — 
M All hands to your quarters," was loudly hear'd ; 
" Not from his station, let no man give way." 
These were the words our brave Captain did say. 

The action commenc'd by the roar of cannon, 
We pour'd a broadside into the Shannon ; 
The Shannon she N then returned the same, 
And both were envelop'd in an ocean of flame. 

The cannons did then incessantly roar ; 
And the decks all o'er encrimsoned with gore ; 
Yet our brave sailors they were not disraay'd, 
No foes to our country can make them afraid. 

Our brave commander a wound did receive, 
For which all our crew did very much grieve ; 
Forty-eight brave seamen lay dead in their gore — 
Ninety-seven were wounded — their fate we deplore. 

Being o'erpowered, our ship could not save, 
For fortune won't always favour the brave. 
The death of our Captain we have to relate, 
Brave Captain Laurence, we mourn his sad fate. 

To Columbia's bold seamen, then draw near, 
Over your slain mess-maits, let fall a tear ; 
The Fair of our country some gratitude show, 
To those brave lads who are fighting the foe. 

To brave seamen all who so nobly fights, 
For his dear country, and for his own rights ; 
Tars, the British as yet, nothing have won, 
Three frigates they've lost, and only took one. 

Our cause truly noble, and honour our guide, 
The defence of our country shall be our pride, 
Our fathers who gain'd the freedom we hold. 
We swear that the purchase shall ne'er be sold. 

Our glorious freedom we drew with our breath. 
The boon we'll keep unsullied till death. 
If wounded — tis our country's intention, 
For all that's disabl'd to give a good pension. 

* Captain Laurence, in the Hornet, of 16 guns, took 
and sunk, after an action of 15 minutes, his Brittanic 
Majesty's brig Peacock, of 19 guns. 

British standards captured 
york town — Philadelphia, Nov. 7. 




Saturday afternoon last, between 
hours of three and four, arrived 24 
regimental standards, taken with the 
British and German forces under Lord 
Cornwallis. They were received by the 
volunteer calvary of this city at Schuyl- 
kill and conducted into town, displayed 
in a long procession, preceded by the 
American and French colours at a proper 
distance. They were paraded through 
the principal streets of the city, amidst 
the joyful acclamations of surrounding 
multitudes, tothestate-house; the hostile 
standards were then laid at the feet of 
Congress and his Excellency the Am- 
bassador of France — a noble exalted 
memorial of the victory gained by the 
allied forces over the slaves of tyranny 
and oppression. — The Co?itiecticut Ga- 
zette, Nov. 23, 1 78 1 




Promotions of French officers 
who served in America — Extract of a 
letter from Paris, December 14, 1781 — 
"The Marquis de Segur, Minister for 
the War Department, having lately been 
closeted with the King, it is presumed, 
that the promotion of General Officers 
is settled, but that his Majesty will not 
declare it until the end of the year. We, 
only, know at present that the first of 
the great Governments that shall be 
vacant is promised to Count de Ro- 
chambeau ; that in the mean time his 
Majesty has granted him a pension of 
30,000 Livres ; that the King's Regi- 
ment of Dragoons, which the Marquis 
de la Fayette had, is given to the Vis- 
count de Noailles ; that the Chevalier de 
Chastellux has obtained, as a reward for 
his Campaign in America, the Govern- 
ment of Rochelle ; that M. de Charlus, 
son of the Marquis de Castries, is ap- 
pointed Mayor-General of the Gendarm- 
erie. Marshal de Broglie has demanded 
of the King, as a reward of his services, 
that the Prince de Broglie, his son, 
might be sent to America to replace M. 
de Charlus ; which being granted, he is 
to go over with the rank of Colonel-en- 
second ; as is also the Viscount de 
Segur, youngest son of the Minister of 
War." — Newport Mercury, July 6, 
1782. D. K. 

Newport, R. I. 

Newtown pippins — In a Dialogue 
between Orators Puff and Peter Easy 
on the Proposed Plan or frame of Gov- 
ernment, printed in the Pennsylvania 
Evening Post, October 10th, 1776, oc- 
curs this compliment to the famous Long 
Island apple : 

Peter : " Why, does it differ so much 
from the other Constitutions that have 
lately been formed by several of the 
American States ? " 

Orator : " Differ ! why it differs as 
much from them as a crab apple from 
Newtown pippins. But it is no wonder." 


A long island celebration — Ja- 
maica, on Long Island, July 20. The 
good news of the Surrender of Cape 
Breton coming to us in the Middle of 
our Harvest, obliged us to defer the 
Time of publick Rejoicing till Yester- 
day ; when the Magistrates, Military 
Officers, and many other Gentlemen, 
&c, of this County, met at this Place, 
feasted together, and at Night gave a 
Tub of Punch at a fine Bonfire, drank 
the Publick Healths, and especially of 
the valiant Commander immediately 
concern'd in this great Action, and 
joined in chorus to the following song : 
Let all true Subjects now rejoice 
The sev'nteenth Day of June, 
On Monday Morning in a Trice, 
We sung the French a Tune. 

A glorious Peace we shall have soon 
For we have conquer'd Cape Breton, 
With a fa la la. 

Brave Warren and Bold Pepperell, 

Stout Wolcot, and the rest 
Of British Heroes, with Good Will, 

Enter'd the Hornet's Nest. 
A glorious Peace, &c. 

A Health, lets to King George advance, 

That he may long remain 
To curb the Arrogance of France, 
And Haughtiness of Spain. 
A glorious Peace, &c. 
N Y. Weekly Post Boy, July 29, 1745 



Laurens' dispatches — London Letter, 
Sept. 30, 1780. The taking of the letter 
box of Mr. Laurens will, it is thought, 
lead to more discoveries, and afford a 
matter of entertainment to the public and 
superior to the Cassette Verte of Mons. 
Sartine, many of whose ideal representa- 
tions we may find exaggerated to a de- 
gree, that may lead to the discovery of 
many important points, that we might not 
suppose the enemies of this country could 
be acquainted with. — Rivington s Royal 
Gazette, Dec. 6, 1780 Iulus 

William peartree smith — I have in 
my possession a copy of " Reports and 
Cases" collected by Wm. Noq,* 1656, 
that belonged to William P. Smith, and 
contains the following note : 

"N York May 16. 1750, I do for the 
consideration of 15/ Transfer the prop- 
erty of this Book to William Livingston 
Wm. P. Smith " 

There is also a book plate similar in 
most respects to the one appended to 
the sketch of Smith in the April num- 
ber of the Magazine, Thomas Johnston, 
sculpt., but the motto is : " Deus nobis 
haec otia fecit," and below the coat of 
arms is printed "William P. Smith, A.M." 
The margin of this old book is enriched 
by notes, doubtless added by William 
Livingston. C. E. V. C. 

* The Judge who condemned Prynne. 

Prince william henry in new york 
— It is observable that the arrival of 
Prince William Henry at New York 
n'i*ed the British and loyalists with " joy 
ineffable and universal ; " the very 
chimney-sweeps, smitten with the poetic 
flame, composed odes in his praise, some 

of which were inscribed in the Royal 
Gazette ; yet not a word is said about 
his departure. Many are at a loss to 
account for this ; some suppose they 
were tired of the lad ; others with more 
probability that they were afraid to let 
the time of his departure be known, 
lest Count de Grasse, after the surrender 
of Mr. Cornwallis, should have thought 
him an object worthy of his attention. — 
The New Jersey Journal, January 30, 
1782 Iulus 

Route of andre — M. A. in the April 
number writes of the party in charge of 
Andre : 

" They would eventually come out into 
the New York post road at Cortlands- 
ville, two miles above Peekskill. That 
they did so is proven by the fact that 
here again we meet with a tradition of 
them." Gen. Pierre Van Cortlandt often 
told the writer that he took his sister 
Ann, afterwards Mrs. Philip I. Van 
Rensselaer, of Albany, over to the old 
house near his father's to see Andre. 
This old house, nearly opposite the 
mansion of Lt. Gov. Van Cortlandt, 
was, I think, later known as the Mande- 
ville House, and was the stopping place 
for years of the stages running between 
New York and Albany. C. E. V. C. 


Fractional divisions of the dol- 
lar — Why was the currency reckoned 
in Dollars and ninetieth parts of a Dol- 
lar in 1 781 ? I have before me an 
order on John Pierce, Jr., Esq., Pay- 
Master General of the forces of the 
United States of America, for six thou- 

6 4 


sand nine hundred and ninety dollars 
and sixty-ninetieth parts of a dollar. 
J. H. McH. 

Blue noses — Can any of the readers 
of the Magazine inform me why the 
name of Blue Noses was given to the 
inhabitants of the province of Nova 
Scotia ? Iulus 

Route of the French through 
new york — What was the route, in de- 
tail, of the French army under Rocham- 
beau in August, 1781, on the march from 
the Hudson to Yorktown, in Virginia, 
referring especially to that part between 
the Hudson and Philadelphia ? Was it 
not on the North of Sugar Loaf Moun- 
tain, in Orange County, New York ? Or 
by what particular route did it reach 
Warwick Valley ? Did it pass through 
the village of Warwick? J. B. B. 

Manor of digges choice — Where 
was the Manor or Grant of Digges's 
Choice in Northern Maryland ? 

J. B. B. 

Major Joseph Strang — In Mr. Cum- 
ming's interesting article in the Decem- 
ber number of the Magazine, mention 
is made of this officer, though, by a 
misprint, the name is spelled Strong. 
May I ask what is the date of Major 
Strang's death, and where is he buried ? 
His son, Dr. Samuel Strang, died at 
Peekskill in 1831, and lies buried in the 
churchyard on South Street, in that 
village. Most of the other members of 
his family are interred in the cemetery 
attached to the Presbyterian church, at 
Yorktown, and have monuments erected 
to their memories ; but there is no stone 

there bearing the name of Major Joseph 

What was the exact site of his resi- 
dence at Crumpond? He seems to 
have had a house there of his own, and 
did not live in the old homestead of the 
family, still standing on the Pine's 
Bridge road. 

Major Strang is said to have been the 
captor of Palmer the Spy. If I remem- 
ber rightly, I was told this by Major 
Strang's nephew, the late John Hazard 
Strang, who died Sept. 20th, 1878, in 
his 94th year. 

There was a Daniel Strang hanged 
as a spy at Peekskill, on an oak tree 
still standing in the grounds of the 
Academy there, who was probably of 
this family ; though his name does not 
appear in their genealogical chart. 

At the risk of being irrelevant, I must 
add that in no section of the country 
have I found it so difficult to glean any 
authentic traditions of the Revolution, or 
reliable facts concerning the local actors 
in the strife, as among the inhabitants of 
northern Westchester County. M. A. 

Duel at fort pitt — A duel was 
fought at Fort Pitt between the 20th of 
July, T768, and the 1st of February, 
1769, in which Ensign Tracy was killed. 
Can any one furnish the particulars ? 
Isaac Craig 

Alleghany, Pa. 

Scanaris — In the examination of Jo- 
seph Fortiner, one of the four English 
traders arrested by the French, before 
the Marquis de la Jonquiere, on the 19th 
of June, 175T, as published in the French 
Memorial, he testifies: " That he was 



born in the Jerseys, and lived the most 
part of the time in the woods, but in the 
winter he commonly retired to a village 
in the Province of Pennsylvania, called 
Scanaris." Where was Scanaris ? 

Isaac Craig 
Allegha,7iy, Pa. 


Captured cannon at yorktown, 
va. — [VI. 157] Mr. Archibald Forbes, 
the English War correspondent, will find 
in Sirncoe's Journal, p. 223, a satisfactory 
explanation of the presence of French 
howitzers among the pieces taken by the 
Americans at Yorktown. They were 
part of Sirncoe's spoils at Point of Forks, 
Va., in June previous. " There were 
taken off " writes this officer, " athirteen- 
inch mortar, five brass eight-inch howit- 
zers, and four long brass nine pounders, 
mounted afterward at Yorktown; all 
French pieces and in excellent order." 
Without much doubt the howitzer at 
Newburg is one of the these. Corn- 
wallis in his report to Clinton, June 30, 
1781, refers to the same capture; " all 
French," he says. 

One six-pounder, probably included 
in the surrender, had been taken by 
Stark's men at Bennington and retaken 
by Cornwallis in the Green Springs ac- 
tion near Jamestown, Va., July 6, 1781. 

H. P. J. 

Smith-livingston — ]Vol. VI. p. 277] 
It is here stated that the name of the 
lady who took young Robert James 
Livingston to her house after he had 
been wounded at the battle of Trenton, 

kind action is entirely forgotten. The 
lady was Mistress Beckie Coxe. She 
was buried in the churchyard of St. 
Michaels, at Trenton, and her funeral 
was attended by members of the family 
of the lad whom she had rescued in his 
extremity. Antiquary 


Duel of gates and Wilkinson — 
[VI. 60] General Wilkinson recites in 
his Memoirs the arrangements made for 
a hostile meeting between himself and 
Gen. Gates on the morning of Feb. 24, 
1778, behind the English church at York- 
town, Westchester Co., N. Y., which 
was prevented by a satisfactory explana- 
tion on the part of Gates, the challenged 
party. His volume, however, contains 
no notice of an actual meeting that took 
place between them seven months later 
at the same place. 

On Friday, Sept. 4, 1778, the duel 
took place, Col Kosciusko acting for 
Gates, and John Carter, son-in-law of 
Gen. Schuyler, as second to Wilkinson. 
At the first fire Gates' pistol flashed in 
the pan, on which Wilkinson fired in the 
air . They charged again, and Wilkin- 
son fired, on which Gates refused to fire. 
On the word being given the third time 
Wilkinson's pistol fired and Gates's flash- 
ed in the pan. The seconds then inter- 
fered and the principals shook hands. 

W. K. 

Peter van winkle — [VI. 150] This 
is no doubt the same person alluded to 
in Dewees' Life and Services, 121110. 
Balto., 1844: "When we lay four or five 
miles from (I think it must have been 

was unfortunately not preserved. No the) Passaic Falls in Jersey, the soldiers 



went frequently to see a great curiosity 
which was not far from the Falls. There 
was a poor family that had a son, who 
was said to be upwards of thirty years 
old * * his body was ' chunkey,' and 
about the size of a healthy boy of ten or 
twelve years old, and he laid in a cradle, 
but his head (although shaped like a hu- 
man head) was like a flour-barrel in size 
* * it had to be lifted about (the body 
could not support it) whenever moved. 
His senses appeared to be good, and it 
was usual for us to say, ' He can talk like 
a lawyer.' He would talk to every per- 
son that visited him. All the soldiers 
that visited him and that had any money, 
would always give him some. It was 
said that Gen. Washington, when he 
went to see him, gave his father four or 
five hundred dollars to aid in his sup- 
port." C. 

lished at Elizabeth Town, N. J., by 
Shepard Kolloch, in 1789, we find some- 
verses over her initials, on Exodus 30, 
18, not without merit. W. H. 

Mrs. stockton — [V. 119] This 
lady, whose complimentary Pastoral, ad- 
dressed to Gen. Washington, " on the 
subject of Lord Cornwallis's surrender," 
is here acknowledged by him, was Mrs. 
Annis Stockton, wife of the Hon. Rich- 
ard Stockton, of Princeton, N. J., the 
signer of the Declaration of Independ- 
ence, and the daughter of Elias Boudinot, 
of Elizabeth Town, N. J. The Hon. 
Elias Boudinot, one of the Presidents of 
the First Congress, and the first Presi- 
dent of the American Bible Society, was 
her brother. Mrs. Stockton was quite a 
poetess, and left some ms. pieces, now 
in the possession of a grandson of an- 
other brother, Judge Elisha Boudinot, of 

In a number of the Christians', 
Scholars' and Farmers' Magazine, pub- 

Revolutionary characters — Lieu- 
tenant- Colonel Francis Barber — [VI. 
60] In the closing years of the Revo- 
lutionary war the army was encamped 
about four miles southwest of New- 
burgh, on a ridge of land the general 
course of which is from north to south. 
A party of soldiers were engaged in fell- 
ing trees, Col. Barber, on horseback, 
superintending the operation. A large 
tree in its descent was caught by the 
branches of the standing trees and ar- 
rested in its fall. In opposition to the 
remonstrances of those present, Col. Bar- 
ber undertook to pass beneath the tree 
to the other side. When directly under- 
neath, it suddenly started again on its 
downward course ; the horse, seemingly 
paralyzed with fear, refused to move. 
Both horse and rider were instantly 
killed. Such was the manner of his 
death beyond a doubt. My father has 
repeatedly told me that he had seen the 
stump on which the tree grew that killed 
Col. Barber m its fall. He was buried 
in the churchyard at Bethlehem, Gen- 
eral Washington and Staff being present 
at the burial. No monument marks the 
spot. I can give no information as to 
the Division House. At the foot of 
the ridge on which the army were en- 
camped, the foundations of quite a 
number of the structures built by them 
are still visible, and one or more of 
larger size than the majority and subdi- 
vided, I have noticed ; and it is net 
unlikely that here was the Division 


6 7 

House referred to, Bethlehem church, 
the place of Col. Barber's burial, is about 
two miles from the camp ground, and a 
mile or more east of Salisbury Mills. 
Rev. Joel T. Benedict, the father of 
Erastus C. Benedict, ministered to this 
church before going to Franklin, Dela- 
ware County. D. C. Chandler 
VatTs Gate, Orange Co., N. Y. 

In my paper under this heading I inad- 
vertently stated that the letter written by 
Greene under November 17, 1776, in 
which he describes the passage of the 
North River by Washington and his 
officers was addressed to General Put- 
nam. This is an error ; the letter was 
addressed to Colonel Knox. Putnam 
was in the boat with Washington and 
Greene. Wilson Cary Smith 

Origin of the name texas — [VI., 
223] In the first number of the Gal- 
veston Historical Society Series, the 
Hon. Ashbel Smith says, that Texas is 
marked on Gov. Pownall's map, 1777, 
as " Ticas," but, whether the name is of 
Indian or Spanish origin, he does not 
know. In a note, he quotes from Dr. 
Shea's translation of Charlevoix, New 
France, as follows : " Father Morfi in- 
cludes under the name of Texas, which 
he explains as Texia, friends, the Texas, 
Asinais, &c, &c. H. E. H. 

Wilkes Barre, Pa. 

Statue to william pitt — [VI., 222]. 
An answer to this query may be found 
in Stevens' Progress of New York in 
a Century, 1776-1876, an address de- 
livered before the New York Historical 

Society, December 5th, 1876, and pub- 
lished for it : 

At the intersection of Wall and Smith (now 
William Street), stood the pedestrian statue 
erected to William Pitt " for the services he 
rendered America in promoting the Repeal of 
the Stamp Act " — a peaceful victory as dear to 
the Colonies as ever conquest celebrated by 
triumphal pageant or memorial arches in the 
streets of ancient Rome. The statue is de- 
scribed in the journals of the day as "of fine 
white marble, the habit Roman, the right hand 
holds a scroll partly open, whereupon we read : 
Articuli Magna-Charta Libertatum ; the left 
hand is extended, the figure being in the attitude 
of one delivering an oration." On the south 
side of the pedestal there was a Latin inscrip- 
tion, cut on a tablet of white marble. This 
statue (like that of George III, the workman- 
ship of Wilton), was erected on the 7th Septem- 
ber, 1770, by the Assembly of the Colony " amid 
the acclamations of a great number of the inhabi- 
tants, and in compliance with a request of a 
public meeting of the citizens held 23d June, 
1766," when the news of the Repeal of the 
Stamp Act reached the city. This statue stood 
in its original position until 1787, when it was 
removed by city ordinance on the " petition of a 
majority of the Proprietors of the Lots of 
Ground in Wall Street, as an obstruction to the 
city." It was then a deformity, having been 
beheaded and otherwise disfigured during the 
British occupation. It lay for many years in the 
corporation yard, then in that of the arsenal, 
after which it stood for a long period in front of 
Riley's Museum or Fifth Ward Hotel, corner of 
West Broadway and Franklin Street. It was 
later purchased by Mr. Samuel F. Mackie, one 
of our members, and by him presented to this 
Society (New York Historical Society), in the 
refectory of which it may now be seen. It is 
hoped that some liberal member will restore it 
to its original beauty, as its counterpart, which 
may serve as a model, is still in existence in 

Some account of the Charleston re- 
plica and its present condition will be 
gratefully received. Editor. 




The New England Historic Genealogical So- 
ciety met on the 4th May at the Society's house 
in Somerset Street. The paper of the day was 
by the Rev. Henry W. Foote, and entitled 
" Passages in the History of King's Chapel, 
Boston," of which he is the present pastor. Mr. 
Foote narrated the difficulty with which, after 
nearly two generations of struggle, the Church 
of England effected a lodgment in the com- 
munity, which was originally organized by those 
who fled from its persecutions at home. The 
reverend Robert Ratcliffe was the first pastor, and 
read the service of the Church of England for 
the first time in Boston in the library room of 
the Town Hall, June 15, 1686. 

The New York Historical Society held its 
regular monthly meeting Tuesday, May 3, at its 
hall. The paper of the evening was by the Rev. 
Charles W. Baird, of Rye, N. Y., on the First 
Settlers of New Amsterdam. Mr. Baird is our 
recognized authority on matters pertaining to 
the Huguenots in America. In the course of 
his investigations he discovered in the State 
Paper Office, at London, a curious document in 
the form of a round robin, which contained the 
names of the Walloons, who petitioned to settle 
Virginia. As it is well known that the majority 
of these petitioners were the first colonists of 
the New Netherlands, this paper seems to 
identify the individuals. Among these occurs 
the names of de la Montagne, from whom tradi- 
tion has it that Hudson's river took its first name. 

The Rev. B. F. De Costa took issue with 
some of the statements of Mr. Baird. He 
claimed that the Hudson River was known as 
the Riviere de la Montagne many years before 
John Mennier de la Montagne left Leyden and 
embarked for America in the ship New Nether- 
lands, and further that the river was familiar to 
navigators many years before Hendrick Hud- 
son explored it in 1609. And he held also that 
the name River of the Mountain was given to it 
from natural reasons long before John de la 
Montagne settled on its banks ; and of this he 
promises to produce certain evidence. The 

curious on this subject may find an interesting 
paper on the Hudson River and its early names 
from the pen of Susan Fenimore Cooper, in the 
June, 1880, number of this Magazine, IV., 401. 

The American Ethnological Society held a 
meeting at the residence of Professor Charles 
Short, in New York, Tuesday, 10th May, when a 
brief sketch of the late Rev. Samuel Osgood 
was read by Mr. Short. 

The Rhode Island Historical Society held its- 
regular fortnightly meeting in the Historical 
Cabinet on the evening of the 19th April, when 
its venerable President, Mr. Zachariah Allen, 
read a paper on the Dorr War, and the memora- 
ble incidents of that curious struggle which took 
place on the 17th and 18th May, 1842. An ex- 
cellent report of the paper appeared in the 
Providence Press of the 2d May. On the 3d 
May, the Rev. J. C. Stockbridge read a paper 
before the Society " Showing the effect on Eng- 
land of the news of the defeat and capture of 
Cornwallis at Yorktown." The John Carter 
Brown Library in Providence abounds in curious 
tracts, relating to this period, with which Mr. 
Stockbridge has made himself thoroughly fa- 
miliar. A motion was made in parliament on 
the 30th May, 1781, by Col. Hartley, looking to 
peace, and during the summer and fall the 
military movements were eagerly watched. The 
surrender of Cornwallis was not immediately 
conclusive, and on the vote of February 23d, 
the House of Commons stood 194 in favor of 
carrying on the war to 193 against. This paper 
of Mr. Stockbridge is a valuable contribution to 
this subject of present absorbing interest. 

The Westchester County N. Y. Historical So- 
ciety met at Mt. Kisco in April. The paper of 
the evening was by Josiah S. Mitchell, of White 
Plains, upon Mrs. Anne Hutchinson. Driven 
from New England by the persecution of the 
Puritans, she settled on the banks of a stream 
which still bears the name of Hutchinson's 
river, near Pelham, in Westchester County, 
where she and her family were massacred by 
Indians in 1643 ; a brutality terribly avenged by 
Capt. John Underhill, who slew a large number 



of them near Bedford. Underhill was her ad- 
herent in Boston and had taken service under 
the Dutch. After his victory he retired to 
Oyster Bay, Long Island, and became a peace- 
ful Quaker. His descendants are still to be 
found in the village of White Plains. 

The Executive Committee of the Virginia 
Historical Society met at its rooms in the West- 
moreland Club House, Richmond, on the 3d April 
and passed resolutions of respect to the memory 
of the Hon. Hugh Blair Grigsby, late President 
of the Society. This distinguished gentleman, 
whose contributions to the history and literature 
of his native State of Virginia are well known, 
died at Edgehill, his residence, in the County of 
Charlotte, on the 28th April last. He was 
buried in accordance with his dying wish, at 
Norfolk. At the regular meeting of the 2d 
May, gentlemen were appointed to represent the 
Society at the unveiling of the statue raised in 
commemoration of the victory at Cowpens. The 
work of this Society has not been properly ap- 
preciated by the people of the State, and we are 
glad to notice an earnest appeal in the Rich- 
mond Standard for the support to which it is 
entitled, ajid which the State, rich as she is in 
historic memories, can ill afford to withhold. 
Only thus can the materials for true history be 
gathered and preserved. That others than her 
own sons are interested in the subject appears 
from the appropriate gift recently made by S. L. 
M. Barlow, of New York, to the library of the 
Society of two early and curious maps entitled, 
41 Virginiae partis australis et Floridae partis 
interjacet gentiumq regionum Nova Descriptio, 
1761," and " Nova Virginiae Tabula, 1671." 
Both of these maps give the names and respec- 
tive territories of the aboriginal tribes inhabiting 
the sections indicated, and also many topographi- 
cal Indian names which have long since disap- 
peared from later maps. 

The Numismatic and Antiquarian Society of 
Philadelphia met on the 5th May, when Charles 
Henry Hart, the historiographer of the institu- 
tion, read a memoir of the late William Beach 
Lawrence, Vice-President of the Society for 
Rhode Island. An invitation was presented 

from the Society of Finnish Literature at Hel- 
singfors, inviting the presence of a delegate at its 
semi-centennial celebration in June next. A 
communication was read from Dr. D. G. 
Brinton, concerning some Aztec ruins on the 
San Juan river, not hitherto described. These 
rocks are near the village of San Estevan and Val- 
encia, and are about twenty feet in height with 
a regular and plain surface inclining at an angle 
of about forty-five degrees to the road. The 
substance is chiefly of mica granite and feld- 
spar. The figures upon them, which until 1848 
received no special attention from scientific ob- 
servers, are sculptured to a depth of about half 
an inch, and are seemingly in groups, each char- 
acter being an ideograph. No known traditions 
attach to them. A copy was shown of Instruc- 
tions in Spelling published in Philadelphia by 
Renier Jansen in 1702. Renier Jansen was the 
father of Tiberius Johnson, a unique imprint 
of whose almanac for the year 1705 was no- 
ticed in our May chronicle. 

The Licking County Pioneer Historical and 
Antiquarian Society published its transactions 
during the month of April in the Newark Ameri- 
can for May 6, 1881. They were of merely 
local interest, chiefly consisting of memorial 
sketches of the early residents. 

The Bangor Historical Society met in the 
Common Council room Tuesday, May 10th, when 
a large number of new members were elected. 
The President, Hon. John E. Godfrey, delivered 
an address explaining the origin and purposes of 
the institution, which was organized May 3, 1864. 
Papers were read by Harry Merrill on the local 
Ornithology; by Adams H. Merrill, of Williams- 
burg, on Slate quarrying in Maine; by Capt. 
Henry N. Fairbanks on Arnold's expedition of 
the Kennebeck river and assault upon Quebec; 
by the President, on Reminiscences of Bangor, 
and by E. F. Duren, on the History of Penob- 
scot County. A manuscript found in the old 
Knox mansion was presented to the society and 
referred to J. W. Porter for examination. The 
interest manifested in the session was great, and 
there is promise that the society may soon be- 
come active to good purpose. 



The Long Island Historical Society has been 
made the repository of the tattered remnants of 
the banners of the Forty-eighth Regiment of 
Brooklyn. This organization was raised in that 
city, and commanded by the Rev. Dr. James H. 
Perry, at that time pastor of the Hanson Place 
Methodist Church. A graduate of West Point, 
he abandoned the cloth for the sword, at the call 
of the government. The regiment took part in 
the assault on Fort Wagner, on the earth works 
of which its colors were planted by Major 
Dandy, who fell dead. The flags, two in number, 
were presented in the name of the regiment by 
the Rev. D. C. Knowles, Captain of Company 
D, and received in the name of the society by 
the Rev. Dr. Richard S. Storrs, in a stirring 

to the traditions of his family, he took the liberal 
side in the agitation which preceded the flight of 
Louis Philippe, and made one of the most strik- 
ing of the speeches at the famous banquet which 
precipitated the revolution. He was elected a 
representative in the Constituent Assembly, later 
of the Legislative Assembly, and was one of 
those arrested by the traitor President, Napoleon, 
on the 2d December, 1851. Withdrawing from 
public life during the empire, he was again 
chosen a representative in 1871, and became a 
member of the Republican Left. In 1875 he 
was chosen Senator for life, and took his seat 
with the left. He left no children. His brother, 
Edmond de Lafayette, now represents this dis- 
tinguished family. He will be present at the 
Yorktown centennial in October. 

The Union Society at Bethesda, Georgia, 
celebrated its one hundred and thirty-first anni- 
versary on the 5th May, when the Rev. Robert 
B. Kerr made an eloquent address. The history 
of the society begins with George Whitfield, to 
whose memory an appropriate tribute was paid. 

The Woman Suffrage Convention met at 
Portland, Maine, on the nth May. The audi- 
ence was small but intelligent. Mrs. Lucy 
Stone was the chief spokesman on the occasion, 
and made a strong point of the success of woman 
suffrage in Wyoming territory. She stated that 
for twelve years women have been allowed to 
vote in municipal elections in England. The 
Isle of Man now gives full and impartial suffrage 
to all women who own copyholds of £4. This 
is the first instance where woman has been ac- 
corded free suffrage in modern times. It 
can not be denied that the right to hold property 
involves the right to vote for those who legislate 
for its taxation. 

Oscar Thomas Gilbert du Motier de La- 
fayette, son of Georges Washington Lafayette, 
and grandson of the illustrious general of the 
armies of the United States, died at Paris on the 
27th March. He was born at Paris in 18 16, and 
after pursuing his military studies at the Ecole 
Polytechnique, and subsequently at Metz, he was 
appointed in 1840 a captain of artillery. True 

John Gorham Palfrey, the historian of 
Massachusetts, died in Boston on the 26th April, 
in the 85th year of his age. His History of 
New England still stands at the head of all the 
histories of the cluster of the early common- 
wealths of this section. Four volumes were pub- 
lished which bear witness to his great research 
and careful examination of original authorities 
in England and America. The fifth volume, 
which carries the narrative to the revolutionary 
war, is well advanced, and it is hoped may be 
published. But like Broadhead's unfinished 
volume on New York, it should wait for compe- 
tent hands. Of the brilliant band, which included 
these two honored men, Irving, Prescott, Tick- 
nor, Motley and Bancroft, only the last remains; 
the work of his life completed, in the full pos- 
session of his remarkable faculties, at the pin- 
nacle of his fame, and in the serenity of peace- 
ful and happy age. 

James T. Fields, the well-known publisher, 
author and lecturer, died at his residence in 
Charles street, Boston, Monday, April 24. In 
him American authors lose an adviser and a 
friend. Since 1834 he had been connected with 
literature, book-stores and publishing houses. 
Among his conspicuous publications were the 
North American Review, the Atlantic Monthly 
and Our Young Folks, and the works of many 
•of the most brilliant of American authors have 



passed through his hands. His name will re- 
main as indissolubly attached to American as 
that of the Constables to the literature of Scot- 
land, or of Bentley and Pickering to that of Eng- 
land. That a publisher should pass away, not 
only respected and honored, but beloved by au- 
thors, is a sign that harmony is possible between 
these two important classes of the community. 

Tunis G. Bergen, a local historian and gen- 
ealogist of Long Island, New York State, died 
on the 24th April, 1881, at his residence at Bay 
Ridge, near the Narrows. The old Bergen 
farm-house is one of the ancient Dutch land- 
marks of the island, and the plot at Greenwood, 
where he was buried, and which has been the 
last resting place of five generations of his name, 
was a part of the property. Mr. Bergen was de- 
scended from Hans Hansen Bergen, one of the 
early Dutch settlers of the New Netherland col- 
ony. He was the author of the Bergen Family 
Genealogy and of the genealogies of the Lef- 
ferts and Van Brunt families. His last work, 
Early Settlers of Kings County, is now in press, 
and he also left studies for a History of New 

The preparations for the Yorktown Centen- 
nial are progressing rapidly. The commissioners 
visited the battle-field the first week in May to 
devise plans for landing the nation's guests and 
those who will take part in the ceremonies. 
Four thousand Masons are expected to take 
part, making an encampment for three days. 
Ten thousand troops have engaged to be present, 
and all the thirteen original States will be repre- 
sented by their governors and militia. The 
Yorktown Centennial Committee held a meeting 
in the Governor's room in the City Hall, New 
York, on the 3d May, and presented a programme 
on an extensive scale, which has not yet been 
finally decided upon. The meeting was largely 
attended. In the evening a mass meeting was 
held in front of Madison Square ; Frederick P. 
Coudert presided. Addresses were made by 
Governor Holliday and Hon. John Goode of 
Virginia, Professor Charlier, John Austin Ste- 
vens, Judges Woodbridge and Joseph Christian. 
A detachment from the Garde Lafayette sur- 

rounded the platform. A notable feature of this 
interesting occasion was the use of the new 
electric light. On the 29th April Mr. Outrey. 
the French Minister at Washington, presented 
the reply of the French Government to the 
invitation of the United States to participate 
in the ceremonies. The following is a trans- 
lation : 

" Jules Grew, President of the French Republic, to the 
President of the United States of America: 
Great and Good Friend. — I have just received a 
letter, whereby your honorable predecessor, his Excel- 
lency Rutherford B. Hayes, announced to me that, in 
pursuance of a resolution of Congress, he invited the 
government and people of France to unite with the gov- 
ernment and people of the United States, on the 19th of 
next October, in celebrating the one hundredth anni- 
versary of the battle of Yorktown. I have accepted this 
invitation in the name of the government of the republic 
and in that of the whole French people. This solemn 
testimony of remembrance, which has been preserved by 
your fellow citizens, of the part taken by eminent indi- 
viduals of France in the glorious struggle which secured 
independence and liberty to the United States, has called 
forth a feeling of deep emotion in France, of which it 
has afforded me pleasure to be the interpreter by inform- 
ing General Noyes, your worthy representative, that, 
' having taken part in the toil, we would participate in 
the honor.' The American nation, which has become 
so powerful and prosperous, by inviting a fraternal co- 
operation on the occasion of this anniversary, forever 
consecrated the union which was created by noble and 
liberal aspirations, and by our alliance on the battlefield, 
and which our institutions, which are now of the same 
character, must draw closer and develop for the welfare of 
both nations. Offering the assurance of my high esteem 
for yourself, personally, and my best wishes for the glory 
of the United States, I desire also to convey my sincere 
thanks to Mr. Hayes for the cordial feelings which he 
expressed to me and for his good wishes for the pros- 
perity of the French Republic. Your good friend, Jilrs 
Grew. Countersigned ', B. N. Hilaire." 

The arrangements of the French Government 
for representation at Yorktown will not be defin- 
itely settled until the arrival of Mr. Outrey 
at Paris. He sailed on the iSth May. At 
the opening of the headquarters of the York 
town Centennial Association, at the Exchange- 
Hotel in Richmond, an interesting incident 
occurred. The Star Spangled Banner and 
Yankee Doodle were played for the first time 
since the war, and were hailed with vociferou> 
cheers. It must not be forgotten in the ar- 
rangements for the celebration that the Yorktown 
peninsula is not exempt from malaria even in 



the fall. Every possible 

>7^7f V; :.ik;r. 

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Square. Washington, was unveiled on th e 

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military. The widow of die Admiral and his 
son, Mr. LoyaH Farragut, were present. All of 
:>.e >..^ ■ .7- • . - ;: :>.e -.:.::: — ere ..— e~- 
bled, The statue was presented by Mr. Hunt, 
Secretary of the Navy, and recerred by the Presi- 
dent of the Ur. in the name of the 

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the Admiral's flagship. The figure is of heroic 
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feet. The artist is Yinnie Ream, now 

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tire Mansion, and was reviewed by President 

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Q. A. Ward. Mr. 


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General Jackson were present. The ad 

• General Fitxhugh Lee. At the 
conclusion of the ceremonies, Jefferson Davis 
was called upon and made a brief speech. The 
fame of Jackson needs no euloginm. He will 
stand in history side by side with the stem 
covenanters whom he resembled as much in 
moral character as in physical determination. 
7 - • 

rae is the common heritage of the Ameri- 
:.!- :...:.:- 

The battle of Cowpens was fought on the 
:-:. January, 1781. The celebration of its 
:ez:ei"7 :--:• e:<:r ::::e~fe 7 f: : :>...: i.:v : .-. 
the present year, was unavoidably delayed. It 
was held at Spartansburg. South Carolina, on the 
nth May, with success and enthusiasm. The 
Governor of die State was present with his 
staff, and descendants of the officers of Morgan 
izi :v-i~e:: if iis:i=_^: >7ei ;_ ^r :'r:~ i7 ;-.> 
:f :7e ::_r.:r7 7:e ~::v:~e:.: " 2i y:e-:ie: 
and accepted by the Governor. CoL Thomas 
Wentworth Higginson, of Massachusetts 
livered the oration for New England. Hon. 
William H. Francis, of Xew Jersey, spoke for 
the Middle States, and expressed the pride of 

her sofl. Senator Hampton announced the re- 
grets :: Ac Jesfdent, Ceneral Garfield, that he 

::7. .: :;:: :e yrefer.: 77e -::.:_e ::" 7e~e:7. 
?7:r-.\z ■:.- :7er. _z' r..e i 7,\:~ £-= T.e;e ::" 
bronze, of a golden tint, is the work of J. Q. A 
Ward, oar best American sculptor, and was 
at the foundry of Bureau Bros. &. Heaton. at 
Philadelphia. Its height is nine fee:, and its 
-:.;;::':::::": :^:_f'-f 7 : -- 7 7^:e ..e.i 
- ::verei —.7- :. ':. zr. :iz ::" f_: 7i r^: :~ ::< 
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i: — - :7e ::;-: zzL . :7e 7 --z: -. ije i7 ::ur: 
::: -7 ±e 72- :j.I :•:-= f 177-re-:'.; •- i7 = 
same ~*+«-*" 1 , ornamented and fringed in cor- 
responding style. The feet are in mocca^im. 
A sheath on die left hip, a sash around the 
•-• 1 -: 2-f. ::'..: .2r:.7_;y 7:ifr ::.e --- 

- - _~ - :- 7-e r^7: -: fr f :7e ":•: fy 
ure is in act of motion, and i> of 


dignity, grace and lightness , the usual cfaazac- Eaii of Egmonc. President 

teristics of Mr. Ward's work. The movement Trustees, and Mr. Ste-rens' 

for the erection of a m emor i al to the heroes of collection of manuscripts and 

Cowpens originated in i3s6, with the Washing- lating to Ben jamin Franklin, 

ton Light Infantry of Charleston ; in October, three thousand dtmutnl 

i5k>, the corner-stone was laid, with imposing portion autographic the 

Masonic ceremonies, on a design famished by offered in one lot, if no 

CoL Edward B. White, of New York. The base at the npset price of 

is twelve feet square. On the four bronze panels The catalogue note upon 
a.-- - : - :':.? ' \~.t-. .:' M'.rrs.- :i: i.- : .:--r I: .= :: r.t 

V.".;;. -; ""3. -.-._-: .1:. P.:V::.: -J:* 'r.-.t- : . ~-t ----- . It:;..- 
the fight. Long may it 

an A. W. Gmxley, of the Fifth The Alumni of Harrard College have 

Cavalry is making preparations for the expedi- President Rutherford B. Hayes to sk. for hs 

tion to Lady Franklin Bay, which he is to com- portrait to William M. Chase, of New York. 

mandL The party, which is to consist of twenty- Two Presidents of the United States hare 

five persons in aD, propo se to be absent two regularly graduated from Harvard ; 

years. Steam whalers carry the expedition, which in T775, and John Quincy Adams in 1787. Full 

is expected to leave the first of June. Lieuten- length portraits of these are m Memorial HalL 

ant Kislingbury, of the Eleventh Infantry, will be that of John Adams, by Copley, and of John 

second in * "■■■^, and all the men are enlisted Quincy Adams, the Lead by Stuart, and the 

' :.t 1— :. ". -1.-7 '-■--. figure by Solly. President Hayes pissed 

:-..- ■: -r r 1: -;-:.; izi rr:t: t : ii- i-rr-- 

The attention of historical students and of of Bachelor of Laws in 1=45. The 

purchasers of rare Americana is invited to the of the Ahrnmi, William Amory . 

silt : ■-':.-. i;-::r.:i: .- .:.- ::ri--r »:t- rti 17 :: rt:t:~t :;- :r::_:i: 

▼ens, of Vermont, resident at London, and well 

kr. .--•:.:;.- :. - : :r. :r.: _:: :r- ::;:- :..-::.-.- T:-:z ] _t":-t: ! .':.- j _-.— .ri.^t :':: A7..-1I 2j 

z ;.: . ..rri:-;. A-rrzr" :rr.T : ir. : i't- :::: ::rir. : :::;t-v:i:ti:t :-t:-tt: !.': '. 

fully annotated catalogue has just been pub- M. Le Moine, the Canadian historian, and of the 

lished by Sorheby, Wilkinson & Hodge, of Lon- Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, and 

don. The sale of the first part of the coflec- Gen. Horatio Rogers, of Providence, R. L T who is 

:;-- . trzi 7 :-t :;:7 ;_r_t -7 : r :.z;r :- trrrrti.- :>.tt:_:. j 1-: irriia.:::- ;: _r- 
five days, between the nth and 15th days of Journal of Lieutenant Hadden. afterwards Major 
July of the present year. A catalogue of a General, who made the Can a di a n r "{'»g- at 
second five days sale to take place before Christ- 1776 to 1777 with Burgoyne. The names of 
mas is in course of pre pa r ation. Of particular the officers co n cernin g whom General Rogers 
:-:trt-: ir.:- j :-t r, "-t:i;^r- irt Tir -_.__* rn:": : .:-. 1: _ _ rr. - it 5: 1.. 
original manuscript records cr Entry Books of Major Campbell, his son-in-law ; La Xandiere ; 
the Colony of Virginia. : - during the Captain B u n thm iBe ; f-apt-aiu Monier : Lieut, 
administration of Lieut--Governor Robert Din- Samuel McKay : Major St. George Dupret ; 
widdie, containing upwards of 950 separate Lieut. Hetherington or Fihi im^lii ; Richard 
documents and letters ;The transactions at the Huntley: Dr. Kennedy; Dr. Robert Knox; 
trustees for the estab.ishment of the Colony of Rer. Edward Brudenel ; M. ' —**-* ; ri^im 
Georgia in America, being the original mans- Littlejohn ; M. Rousseau. Quartermaster ; Corn- 
script records, never yet printed, of their meet- missionaries McLean, Weir, and Schaw ; r»p*»;» 
ings in London from 17;- 1747, mostly in Biscerme ; Surgeon Weir, Brigadiers General 
the handwriting of Sir John . Perceval, the first Patrick Gordon, and Xisbet : as to where buried. 



(Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, 
Copies, Box 37, Station D — N. Y. Post Office.) 


Haven to its absorption into Connecti- 
cut. By Edward E. At water. i2mo, 
pp. 611. Printed for the author. New 
Haven, 1881. 

The first Puritan settlement in New England 
was made under the reign of James, but its 
founders had been for many years exiles from the 
mother country. The Salem colony was estab- 
lished by Endicott and emigrants from the 
mother country in 1628. The project which re- 
sulted in the New Haven settlement was begun 
in 1636. The impulse to it was given by the 
persecution of the non-conforming clergymen by 
Laud in 1633. The leader of the colony was 
John Davenport, a London curate, who, becom- 
ing obn xious to the church dignitaries by his 
strong Calvinistic theology and great popularity 
with the middle classes, was compelled to 
withdraw from preaching, then to lie in conceal- 
ment, and finally to escape to Holland. Laud 
seems to have set him down permanently on his 
black list, and years after his emigration to New 
England said, ' ' my arm shall reach him even 
there." Two other non-conforming clergymen, 
Samuel Eaton and John Lathrop, who had 
been imprisoned by the High Commission 
for holding conventicles, found means to 
obtain release. These three clergymen, with 
some London tradesmen and their families, 
formed the nucleus of the company, which, 
strengthened by others from the rural dis- 
tricts, notably from Kent and Hereford, left 
London in April, 1637, in the Hector, and a 
consort vessel whose name has not been pre- 
served, and landed in Boston on the 26th June 
following. They were warmly received in 
Boston, and urged to remain in the common- 
wealth, Charlestown and Newbury making them 
tempting offers, but the new settlers were not 
content with the state of religious opinion in and 
about the Puritan capital, and resolved to remove 
to a distance. A tour of exploration was under- 
taken by a party under Theophilus Eaton, one of 
their number, and Quinnipiac was selected for 
the new plantation. Seven men were left at this 
point, where they were joined by the rest of their 
comrades and numerous others in the spring of 
1638. The narrative of the causes which led to the 
settlement, and the account of the persons en- 
gaged in it, are written in an agreeable style, and 
abound in philosophic thought. 

The foundations laid in church and sta*e by 
the colony are next treated. Among the settlers 
there were some who had never separated from 
the Church of England, and resisted the attempt 
to conform to the Plymouth model. Samuel 

Eaton, their leader, insisted on the maintenance 
of the right to the freeholders in general to re- 
sume delegated authority, while Davenpori, 
though never a separatist, defended the Plymouth 
idea, that the law-making power should be vested 
in church members. Ultimately Davenport's 
views prevailed, and the elective franchise was 
limited to this class. 

The lover of local history will find much en- 
tertaining matter in the review of the personnel 
of the plantation, with its portraits of the old 
worthies and descriptions of their habits and 
homes. The towns of Milford, Guilford and 
Stamford were all outgrowths from the New 
Haven colony or founded under its auspices. 
Southold, on Long Island, was settled by a com- 
pany which emigrated from Norfolkshire, Eng- 
land, under the guidance of the Rev. John 
Youngs, and sailed direct for New Haven. 

The first institution of colonial government 
at New Haven Mr. Atwater finds to be in the 
order of court of 6th April, 1642, for a General 
Court for the plantation in combination with 
New Haven. The union of Guilford and Mil- 
ford with the other three under one jurisdiction, 
formed the body of people which afterwards 
united with other colonies in a confederation 
which they called the United Colonies of New 
England. This political form has a chapter of 
its own. So have learning and military affairs, 
domestic and social life. An account is given of 
the aborigines, and the Stuarts and the Regicides 
are a theme of interest, romantic as well as 
historic, in its story of the concealment and oc- 
casional reappearance at critical moments of 
Whalley and of Goffe. 

Connecticut procured a charter which covered 
the territory of New Haven, the jurisdiction of 
which she claimed in 1660, and it was publicly 
declared at the General Assembly held at Hart- 
ford, Oct. 9, 1662. A controversy ensued, New 
Haven refusing to come in. and it was not until 
after a stout resistance that she surrendered her 
autonomy. On the determination of the royal 
commissioners of the boundary between Connec- 
ticut and New York, New Haven formally sub- 
mitted on the 14th Dec, 1664. Here this in- 
teresting narrative is brought to a close. In the 
copious appendix are found I., the autobiography 
of Michael Wigglesworth; II., letter of Na- 
thanael Rowe to John Winthrop; III., an ac- 
count of the loss of Lamberton's ship and the at- 
mospheric phenomenon which was said to have 
attendedit; IV., seating of the Meeting House; 
V., Hopkins Grammar School; VI., New 
Haven's remonstrance to the General Assembly 
of Connecticut colony; VII., New Haven's case 
stated. A satisfactory index closes the volume 
which we most heartily commend. 


/ 3 

story of the Mount Hope lands from the visit of 
the Northmen to the present time. By Wil- 
fred H. Mu.nko. Illustrated, 8vo, pp. 396. 
J. A. & R. A. Reid. Providence, 1880. 

In his preface the author of this creditable 
volume states the plan upon which it was written 
to have been the subordination of local details 
to a general account of the development of the 
State. Prepared in haste, it does not pretend to 
be exhaustive in treatment, and it is in fact sug- 
gestive of a work on a broader scale, for which 
the author shows ample capacity of research and 
style. The narrative begins with the visit of the 
Northmen in the year 1000, when Leif Eric- 
son sailed up the Pocasset river, and landed upon 
the shores of Mount Hope Bay, and recites also 
the voyage of Verrazano in 1542. Next follow 
chapters upon Massasoit and his relation to the 
colony, and on King Philip's war. 

The Mount Hope lands, which had been the 
domain of King Philip, were granted to the 
Plymouth Colony, conditioned upon a quit rent 
of seven beaver skins, or in default fourteen 
marks annually, upon the estimated seven thou- 
sand acres being reserved to the king, the 4th 
December, 1679, and the patent was confirmed 
by the king by special grant 12th January, 1680. 
In 1669 the colony had granted one hundred 
acres of land to John Gorham on condition of 
purchase from the Indians. This was effected, 
and Gorham was confirmed in his grant in 1677. 
He must therefore be regarded as the first white 
settler in Bristol. The first minister, Benjamin 
Woodbridge, was settled in 1680, and a meeting 
house was erected in 1683. Bristol soon became 
the most important and flourishing town in the 
Plymouth colony, which remained in the juris- 
diction of Massachusetts until January, 1746, 
when the five towns of Bristol, Warren, Tiver- 
ton, Little Compton, and Cumberland became a 
part of Rhode Island. 

Rhode Island had its romance and its heroes. 
Colonel Benjamin Church, whose energy and 
bravery are familiar to every household in the 
Narraganset territory, lived in Bristol for many 
years, and held repeated offices of trust. Many 
of his children were born in it. Later he re- 
moved to Fall River, and finally went back to 
Little Compton, where he died in 1718. The 
editor of this Magazine and writer of these lines 
is descended from him in direct line by the 
mother's side through the Welds of Roxbury. 
Bristol men were concerned in the destruc- 
tion of the British armed schooner Gaspee in 
1772, one of the boldest acts of resistance to the 
insolent usurpation of British officials, though 
not the occasion, when the first British blood was 
shed in the contest which resulted in the inde- 
pendence of America, as Mr. Munro rashly as- 

serts. British blood was shed in the streets of 
New York in the fight on Golden Hill between 
a party of the 16th British regulars and the 
Liberty boys in defence of their liberty pole in 
January, 1770; and the Boston massacre fol- 
lowed in March, 1770. Either of these cities 
have a better claim to " first blood" in the pre- 
liminary scrimmages. Due attention is paid to 
the conflicts between recognized denominations 
and the Church of England party. 

In common with all the maritime towns on the 
coast, Bristol was largely engaged in privateer- 
ing enterprises, for the history of which these 
pages afford much material; but the slave trade, 
which was the source from which many of her 
magnates originally derived their fortunes, is 
treated with a discretion which the declaration 
of the author, that this is not a complete history, 
alone excuses. Occasional biographical sketches 
are scattered through this entertaining volume, 
and it is appropriately illustrated with portraits 
and views. The student will be glad to see the 
Roll of Honor of Bristol in the late war, and 
also the roll of her representatives in official 

Revolution, Battalions and Line, 1775- 
1783. Volume I. Edited by John Blair 
Linn and William H. Egle. 8vo, pp. 794. 
Lane S. Hart, State Printer. Harrisburg, 

Pennsylvania is fortunate in the excellent pre- 
servation of the important documents which 
record her service in the war of the revolution, 
and not less so in the selection of the diligent, 
capable and thorough scholars whose names, well 
known in a variety of fields of historic investi- 
gation, are attached to this volume. No class 
of work requires more patient and discriminating 
labor than the editing of rolls in which names 
are mispelled and confused to a degree which is 
beyond the comprehension of those who are not 
familiar with the minute details of the service 
to which they refer. The thoroughness with 
which this task has been accomplished can only 
be recognized by historical investigators, and we 
put on record our own gratitude for the elegance 
and completeness of the editorial work in this 

The rolls begin with that of Col. William 
Thompson's battalion of riflemen, so styled in 
Washington's general orders, which was enlisted 
in the latter part of June and the beginning of 
July. 1775, in pursuance of a resolution of Con- 
gress dated June 14th, for raising six companies 
of expert riflemen in Pennsylvania. The com- 
missions in Thompson's battalion were issued by 
Congress itself June 25, 1775. Then follow rolls 
of the battalions numbered first to sixth, of the 


Pennsylvania rifle regiment, of the Pennsylvania 
musketry battalion, and of the State regiment of 
foot, after which those of the Pennsylvania line, 
July i, 1776, to November 3, 17S3, first to 
thirteenth, and of the two additional regiments, 
Hartley's and Patton's. Each of these rolls is 
prefaced by a steel portrait of the colonel com- 
manding, and a concise history of its service, in- 
cluding marches and engagements, biographical 
notices and reminiscences. 

In cases where no official rolls have been 
found, a list has been made from pension records 
and kindred sources of information. All of the 
portraits have been engraved for this vo'ume. 
In addition, there are numerous battle plans. 
Xo public or historical library should be without 
this admirable volume. 

the Corporation of the Chamber of Com- 
merce of the State of New York for 
the year 1880-81. In two parts. Compiled 
by George Wilson, Secretary. 5vo, pp. 192- 
244. Press of the Chamber of Commerce. 
New York, 1SS1. 

This admirable annual presents the best statis- 
tical view of the progress of the United States 
in even' branch of commerce and in many of the 
important industries. From the preface we ex- 
tract some reflections which are worthy of gen- 
eral attention. 


With the renewed prosperity of the country, the desire 
of Europeans to partake of its bounties continues to in- 
crease. The tide which turned in 1877. when the number 
had fallen to less than one hundred and fifty thousand, 
rose to 457,257 in 18:0. nearly equalling the extraordinary 
figure of 1873 ; of these 327.371 were landed at the port 
of New York. From present appearances even this 
startling number will be surpassed this year, and our 
next report will probably record the landing of a half 
million of people, seeking homes and subsistence on these 
shores. What changes this redistribution of population 
will affect in the conditions of life in this country and 
abroad, no one can foresee. Of the immigrants who 
landed in New York, 104.000 were from Germany"; 66,000 
from Ireland ; 35.000 from Sweden, and 34,000 frcrv. 
land. This last named movement is the most notable, 
having advanced from 21.000 last year. It is probable 
that in the future this English immigration will continue 
to increase, and the proportion between the English 
speaking race and those of other tongues may be here- 
after sustained. 


Fiscal Year — The total value of foreign imports into 
:he United States, including specie and builion, in the 
year ending June 30, iSSo. amounted to $760,989,056, 
.1 rainst S4~6.073.775 for the previous yeai. 

The total domestic exports of the United States for the 
year ending June 30 , 18S0, including specie and bullion, 
.mounted to $833,294,246, against $717,093,777 for the 
previous year. 

The total foreign trade, imports and exports I with for- 
eign exports, $19,487,331 added*, amounted to $1,613,770,- 
633 for the year ending June 30, i33o, against $1,2 as 

Calendar 'i ear — The value of the total imports of 

merchandise into the United States for the calendar year 
iiiMHHili il to $696,805,867, against $513,602,796. show- 
ing an increase in 1880 of $183,203,071. The value of the 
total exports, domestic and foreign, for 1S80, amounted to 
^: ::.: :_.:.::. against $765,159,825, showing an increase for 
1SS0 of $124,523,324. The total foreign trade of the 
United States, imports and exports, exclusiz-e of specie 
and bullion, for rSSo, amounted to $1,536,486,016, against 
c -- '~z.zz: in ::~3, an increase of $307,72: 

The total New York trade, imports and exports of 
merchandise and the precious metals, amounted in 18-0 
to the sum of $964,579,875. against $795,235,732 in 1879. 
an increase of $160,. 344, 143. 

The year 1SS0 will be ever memorable as that in which 
the foreign trade of the commercial metropolis of the 
country reached the sum of nearly one thousand millions 
0/ dollars. 

BALANCE of trade of the united states 
In our last report the extent of the balance of trade, or 
the excess of the aggregate value of exports over imports 
for the two calendar years 1S73 and 1879, was shown to 

be .' $556.757. I °5 

Add to this the balance for i83o, viz.: 

Exports of merchandise >:::.:'•:.:-: 

Less imports 696,805,867 

102. 374. 252 

Balance of trade in favor of the United ) 

States for the three years, ending Decern- - $749.: 

ber 31, 1880 ) 

This enormous sum of nearly srzen hundred an - 
millions is represented by the liquidation of the indebt- 
edness of the United States to foreign nations, and by 
the addition to our stock of the precious metals. The 
City of New York has already practically become the 
centre of trade, or. in other words, the point at which 
exchanges between the United Stares and Europe must 
be finally settled with great advantage to our banking 


The rise and fall in the magnitude of the transactions of 
the New York Clearing House are the best possible meas- 
ure of the expansion and contraction of trade. The large 
increase in our stock of the precious metals has naturally 
given an enormous impulse to enterprises of even* kind. 
industrial and commercial, and upon it a large expansion 
of credit has been legitimately based. Our last report 
noticed the increase in the Clearing House transactions 
for 1879 as nearly ten thousand millions over the figures 
of the preceding year. 

The official report shows the transactions for the twelve 
months of 1880 to have been 38 61-100, an increase for the 
year of nearly ten thousand millions over those of the 
year 1879 — reported at twenty-nine thousand millions. 


There is no economic subject of such vital importance 
as the relation of coin to currency. The experience of 
nations has shown, that as they are strong in the precious 
metals they are exempt from severe or long periods of 
financial disaster. Gold has always been and will con- 
tinue to be, in our day and generation at least, and prob- 
ably for as many centuries in the future, as it has been 
in the past, the final solvent of mercantile transactions, 
individual or national. It is impossible to escape the 
standard of value. 

From the foundation of the Government, the United 
States has sent abroad over one thousand millions of the 
precious metals of its own production. In the fall of 1873, 
its stock of coin had fallen, according to concurrent esti- 
mates, to one hundred and forty millions of dollars. In 
the year 1877 the scale began to turn, and, for the first 
time' since the outbreak of the Rebellion 11S61K the 
United States retained a part of its metallic product. In 
1878 we not only retained our entire product, but large 
sums were returned to us from Europe. 

In i:-o. in the words of the Director of the Mint, the 
United States "absorbed almost the entire production of 
the zvorld/or the year." 



Statement for Fiscal Year— Production, as estimated 
from the deposits and purchases of gold and silver at the 

Mint, for the year ending June 30, 1880 $67,954,462 

I mports during same period 93,034,310 

Total addition $160,988,772 

Exports and re-exports during same period, 
deducted 17,142,919 

Increase in fiscal year ending June 30, 1880 . .$143,845,853 

Increase in fiscal year ending June 30, 1877... $65,145,241 
Increase in fiscal year ending June 30, 1878. . . 72,951,507 
Increase in fiscal year ending June 30, 1879. . • 60,782.993 
Increase in fiscal year ending June 30, 1880... 143,845," 53 

Increase in fiscal years 1877-1880, (inclu- 
sive) $342.725i594 

To arrive at the amount of coin in the country, we again, 
as in previous reports, take, as the point of departure, the 
estimate of the late Dr. Linderman, the Director of the 
Mint, of the amount of gold and silver in the fall of 1873, 
the lowest point reached, the correctness of which has 
been generally accepted : 
Stock of gold and silver in 1873 — Dr. Linder- 

man's estimate §140,000,000 

Production, 1873 to 1880, (inclusive) 428,614,225 

Imports of coin, 1873 to 1880, (inclusive) 249,218,342 

Total $817,832,567 

Less exports, 1873 to 1880 (inclusive). 347,311,542 

In the country, June 30, 1880 $470,52 r, 025 

In the country, June 30. 1879. . . .$326,675,172 
Increase to June 30, 1880 143,845,853 


Calendar Year. — To obtain approximately the amount 
of gold and silver, in the country on the 1st January, 1881, 
an addition must be made of the increase of the last six 
months of the year, the production being estimated and 
the importations taken from the official report of the 
Treasury : 

Amount in the country, June 30, 1880 $470,521,025 

Estimated production to 1st 

January, 1880 $34,000,000 

Imports, July, 1880, to Janu- 
ary, 1881 76,329,281 

Less exports and re-exports, 
July, 1880, to January, 1881.. 

Increase, July, 1880, to January, 1881 102,357,996 


Amount of gold and silver in the country, 
January' 1, 1881 $572,879,021 

The manner in which this amount is distributed appears 

as follows : 

Coin* in the Treasury, as per statement of the 

public debt, Dec. 31, 1880 $148,503,615 

Coin held by the National Banks, as by the 
statement of the Comptroller of the Cur- 
rency, Dec. 31, 1880 107,172,900 

Coin in outside holding 317,202,506 

Total, Jan. 1, 1881 $572,879,021 

* The statement 0/ the public debt, 31st December, 1880, 
does not sho7v the amount 0/ coin held by the Treasury, 
but gives the sum of cash in the Treasury at $222,299,739. 
Presuming that the sum due for current liabilities is 
held in notes 0/ the United States, the cash balance 
available is taken as the amount 0/ coin. 

This is the largest amount of gold and silver ever re- 
ported in the history of the finances of the United States, 
and yet a gold coin is but seldom met with in the ordinary 

transactions of life. From this it can only be inferred, 
that the paper currency of the country is amply sufficient 
to meet the daily wants of the people. The history of all 
currencies shows, that the one having the least value will 
circulate, the natural tendency of man being to hold on to 
that which he most esteems. The only manner, there- 
fore, by which gold can be brought into circulation, is by 
withdrawing a part of the already sufficient paper cur- 

The report of Hon. Horatio C. Birchakd, Director of 
the Mint, for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1880, gives the 
amount of coinage as eighty-four million dollars. In the 
last four years over three hundred millions have been 
coined and are now available for public use. 

The same report gives some valuable data concerning the 
ratio of coin to paper currency in European countries. In 
Great Britain the amount of gold and silver reaches in 
dollars, $773,150,000, while the entire paper circulation is 
$216,495,000, a proportion of more than three and a half of 
specie to one of paper. In France the amount of gold and 
silver reaches in dollars the enormous sum of $2,217,529,600. 
while the paper circulation is only $441,460,000. a propor- 
tion of five of coin to one of paper. In the United States, 
be it remembered, that as yet our paper exceeds our coin 
in tne ratio of six to five, being $671,373,787 of paper to 
$572,879,021 of coin. 

An examination of the condition of the currency of the 
Government and of the Banks, gives the following result : 
By the official statement of the Public Debt, 
there were outstanding of old demand and 
legal tender notes and fractional currency, 

December 31st, 1880 $353,889,29? 

National Bank Notes, as by statement of 
Comptroller of the Currency, December 
31, !88o $317,484,496 

Total paper currency in circulation : 

Jan. 1, 1881 $67i,373,7 8 7 

Jan. 1. 1880 684,365,823 

Decrease of paper January 1, 1881 $12,992,036 

Of which United States notes, $8,527,378 

National Bank notes 4,464,658 


Comparing the statement of the Comptroller, showing 
the condition of the National Banks, January 1, 1&S0, with 
the similar statement of the previous year, it appears that 
their total loans and discounts stood at $1,071,356,141 
January 1, 1881, against $933,543,661 at the same date in 
1880, an increase of $137,812,480 ; that their total resources 
and liabilities respectively amounted to $2,241,683,829 
against $1,925,229,617, an increase or expansion of 
$316,454,202 ; that the legal tender notes held by them 
amounted to $59,216,934. against $54,725,096, and that 
their stock of specie was $107,172,900. against $78,568,341, 
a notable increase of nearly thirty millions. 


It is impossible to leave this brief analysis of the indus- 
try and trade of the country without a feeling of wonder, 
at the extent of progress made in a single year ; and when 
we compare its condition after the collapse of 1873. stripped 
of its coin and distrustful of even its own destinies, with 
its present almost plethoric prosperity, the change in less 
than a decade defies comprehension. Yet this immense 
movement seems to be but the harbinger of an advance yet 
more rapid and startling The unsettled condition of Eu- 
rope is creating alarm even in communities which have 
been for centuries undisturbed by the dread of revolution, 
and the desire to escape the inevitable cataclysm which 
threatens to upheave the entire structure of modern soci- 
ety, grows stronger with each recurring year of our peace 
and prosperity. Already the present season there is a 
certainty that a half million of people will land upon our 
shores, bringing to us their energies, their skill and their 
hopes. How long this flood will continue, where or when 
it will be stayed, no eye can foresee Yet there is no need 
for alarm. On this vast continent there is room for all. and 
the basin of the Mississippi alone has the capacity to hold 



and supply the entire population of Europe better than it 
has been fed hitherto. There are those who dread the 
influence of this constantly increasing new element in 
our midst. Undoubtedly it modifies and will continue to 
modify our national characteristics. But we " -were not 
born for ourselves alone."' 1 Out of this apparently heter- 
ogeneous and unassimilated mass is gradually rising one of 
the wonders of centuries, a new cosmopolitan race — the 
American nation. These pages testify to its marvelous 
elasticity and power. The promise of its future is of an 
abundance beyond measurement or estimation. 

We commend these striking statements, based 
as they are upon indisputable statistics, to the 
careful consideration of our readers. They are an 
epitome of the condition of the country and its 
future promise. They show the causes of the 
remarkable development which has followed the 
increase of our metal reserve, and while they 
seek to cast no shadow upon our present pros- 
perity, they point conclusively to the only man- 
ner by which that prosperity can be maintained 
and a revulsion be averted; namely, an absorp- 
tion in the circulation medium of the country of 
a large amount of the coin now held by corpora- 
tions or hoarded by the people. This measure 
is a reduction of paper currency, whether that of 
government or bank is immaterial, so that it be 

ONY of Connecticut [Vol. XI], from May, 
1757, to March, 1762, inclusive. Transcribed 
and edited in accordance with a resolution of 
the General Assembly. By Charles J. 
Hoadly, State Librarian. Svo, pp. 662. 
Press of the Case Lockwood and Brainard 
Company. Hartford, 1880. 
These sheets are stated in a prefatory note to 
contain the first four hundred and fifty-six pages 
of the ninth manuscript volume of the Public 
Records of the Colony. Neither the Journal of 
the Governor and Council, nor that of either 
branch of the General Assembly, during the 
years embraced in this volume, is known to ex- 
ist. Many of the pay rolls of the Connecticut 
troops who served in the French war are also 
missing from the archives of the State, and 
consequently numerous officers who received 
appointments from the General Assembly have 
no mention. The appendix contains answers to 
the Heads of Inquiry, sent to the Governor and 
Company by the Land Commissioners for Trade 
and Plantations, 1 761-1762. A thorough index 
adds value to this carefully compiled volume of 
public documents, which will be welcomed by 
historical students. 

SUFFOLK DEEDS, LIBER I. Svo. pp. 330. 
Rockwell & Churchill, City Printers. 
Boston, 1880. 
This verbitim transcript from the Suffolk 

Registry of DeeJs was printed in accordance 
with a resolution passed in pursuance of a re- 
quest of the members of the Suffolk Bar by the 
Board of Aldermen of the city of Boston, at the 
expense of the city, the deeds of the county 
being in "a worn, mutilated and illegible con- 

The Avork was delegated by the Register to 
the eminent antiquary William Blake Trask, a 
gentleman thoroughly conversant with the his- 
tory of the colony, whose name is a guarantee 
for its accuracy. Mr. Trask copied the entire 
book with his own hand, and after comparison 
with the original the volume was printed, the 
proof sheets being again compared letter by 
letter with the original record. This is as it 
should be. Works of this character are valueless 
unless absolutely free from error. Mr. Trask 
acknowledges the invaluable assistance of John 
T. Hassam, the custodian of the records, in his 
revision and completion of the indexes of grantors 
and grantees and of places and subjects, which 
are in full. 


records of NAVAL officers; special articles 
on naval art and science, written expressly for 
this work by officers and others of recognized 
authority in the branches treated by them. 
Together with descriptions of the principal 
naval stations and seaports of the world. 
Complete in one volume. Royal 8vo, pp. 
1017. L. R. Hamersly & Co. Philadel- 
phia, 1SS1. 

In the preface to this volume it is claimed to 
be unique in its character, and in fact it differs in 
treatment from any of the naval encyclopaedias 
which have preceded it, while its comparatively 
low cost brings it within general reach. It em- 
braces first a complete dictionary of marine 
words and phrases; second, a large number of 
original articles on special topics ; third, a 
copious fund of biographical data; and fourth, 
a gazetteer of the principal naval stations and 
seaports of the world, a combination which no 
other similar work presents. The title Yachts 
and Yachting, by C. P. Kunhardt, is admirably 
treated in an extended manner, and of itself is 
enough to commend the volume to a large class 
of our seaboard population. It contains a tabu- 
lated list of the famous yachts of England as 
well as of America. 

The editorial work has been well performed 
by Lieutenant T. W. Carlin. Medical Director 
Edward Shippen, Rear Admiral George Henry 
Preble, and other well known naval and profes- 



sional men have assisted in the biographical 

sketches, naval definitions and scientific details. 
The book should be in the library of every well 
found merchantman and yacht. 

itary and Professional Lists ok Plym- 
outh AND RHODE Island Colonies, COM- 
PRISING Colonial, County and Town Of- 
ficers, Clergymen, Physicians and Law- 
yers, with extracts from the Colonial Laws, 
defining their duties, 1621-1700. By Ebene- 
zer W. Pierce. 8vo, pp. 156. A. Williams & 
Co., Boston, 1881. 

The increasing interest in all that pertains to 
the history of the Plymouth and Rhode Island 
colonies prompted the preparation of this com- 
pilation, in which may be found in a brief and 
tabular form : I. The names, residences and 
dates of election or of appointment of the civil 
officers of the colonial government, of the several 
counties, and of each town under the head of 
civil lists. 2. The names, residences and dates 
of command of the officers in the local militia, 
and those appointed to serve in the expeditions 
of the colonies, under the head of military lists. 
3. The names of clergymen, physicians and law- 
yers, and of the localities where they were settled, 
under the head of professional lists ; all of these 
respectively of the two colonies. We wish that 
Mr. Pierce may be encouraged, by the sale of this 
volume, to continue his labors in this direction, 
as he proposes. 


Present. A study of the English language. 

By Richard Grant White. Third edition. 

Revised and corrected. i6mo, pp. 467. 

Riverside Press. Houghton, Mifflin & Co. 

Boston, 1880. 

" The faith that dwelt first in thy grandmother 
Lois and thy mother Eunice, and I am persuaded 
that is in thee, also," would be an appropriate 
motto for this volume. Mr. White believes in the 
old England and clings to all its traditions of 
speech. That there is a great deal of instruction in 
these pages no one will deny; that the instruction 
intended is overladen with much that is of no prac- 
tical value is equally true. Notwithstanding Mr. 
White's contempt for his native tongue as spoken 
in America, it is nevertheless spoken with morii 
general correctness here than in England. In- 
deed, most of its abuses, whether of matter or 
manner in phrase or pronunciation, are derived 
from England itself, and may be traced home to 
the counties in which they originated. So 
much for the spoken language. In the written as 

many abuses may be found in the column- >.f tin- 
leading English newspapers as in our own. 

Language is a creature of necessity and of 
growth. Like the ja< kknife which, after the 
change of every blade and hinge and handle, still 
remained the same old jackknife, so language 
until it dies passes through perpetual change — 
only by a post-mortem examination can we de- 
termine what it was in its full vigor and prime. 
New wants arise with the advance in science, in 
industry, in art; these wants take form in new 
invention, and after form take name; in the 
nomenclature of science the Greek vocabulary is 
being rapidly made an integral part of all civil- 
ized tongues. In the study of the English lan- 
guage nothing is more striking than the superior 
vigor of the terse English root, while, in its ap- 
plication through grammatical forms the super- 
iority of the clear, direct, logical Latin expres- 
sion is equally evident. Plain words for plain 
people is our secret of oratory. The English 
word of northern root expresses but one idea. 
The Latin is a picturesque language, its compound 
words expressing form and color. Hence to 
the unlettered mass the plain mother tongue will 
always be the readiest avenue to the heart or 
mind. Fortunate for us it is that we have no 
such strict limitation to our language, as the 
purest would enchain it by. Those familiar with 
the strength of old French, as compared with that 
prescribed by the academy, will understand the 
meaning of this phrase. While the English lan- 
guage retains some of the verve of Cower and 
of Chaucer, the French of Rabelais and Mon- 
taigne has been frittered gradually away by the 
pedantry of the imitators of the classic school. 
Long may it be before other than good usage, 
whether of present or past writers limit the free- 
dom of English thought or English speech, and 
welcome be the word which expresses a new 
idea or defines more correctly even a common 



Maryland. By George Alsop. 1666. 8vo, 

pp, 125. Baltimore, 1880. 

This ancient tract, with an introduction by 
}ohn Gilmary Shea, was reprinted by William 
Gowan, as No. 5 of his Bibliotheca Americana, 
and is now reissued by the Maryland Historical 
Society as No. 15 of their Fund publications. 
A London apprentice, and heartily opposed to 
Cromwell, Alsop seems to have sailed to Balti- 
more in 1658, probably transported by order of 
the Commonwealth. The object of the tract was 
evidently to stimulate emigration to Maryland, 
and the cost was no doubt defrayed by merchants 
interested in the redemption system, by which 
the passages were paid in consideration of an 
equivilent in service. As an historical tract, its 
chief value is in its relation of the Susquehanna 




Stevens Historical Collections. Part I. 
Catalogue of the first portion of the extensive 
and varied collections of rare books and manu- 
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miscellanies in poetry and prose. Svo, pp. 
229. Sothebv, Wilkinson & Hodge, London, 

Twenty-third Annual Report of the Cor- 
poration of the Chamber of Commerce of 

the State of New Vork, for the year 1880-S1. 
In two parts. Compiled by George Wilson, 
Secretary. Svo. Press of the Chamber of 
Commerce, New Vork, 1SS1. 

The History of Saint Augustine, Florida, 
with an introductory account of the early 
Spanish and French attempts at exploration, 
&c, and a description of the climate and ad- 
vantages of Saint Augustine as a health resort. 
By William W. Dewhurst. i6mo. G. P. Put- 
nam's Sons. New Vork, 1SS1. 

Weymouth Historical Society, No i. The 
original Journal of General Solomon Lovell, 
kept during the Penobscot Expedition, 1779, 
with a sketch of his life. By Gilbert Nash. 
Together with the Proceedings of the Society 
for 1S79-S0. Svo. Published by the Society, 

Sharpe Genealogy and Miscellany. By W. 
C. Sharpe. 241110. Record Print, Seymour, 
Conn., 1SS0. 

Early Illinois. Earliest religious history of 
Chicago, by Jeremiah Porter ; Early History 
of Illinois, by Wm. H. Brown ; Early Soci- 
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terson ; The Illinois Bar Forty Vears Ago, 
by Isaac N. Arnold ; The First Murder Trial 
in Iroquois county. Pamphlet. i6mo. Fergus' 
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Personal Narratives of Events in the War 
of the Rebellion. No. 8, Second Series. 
A Recruit before Petersburg. By George B. 
Peck, Jr. Soldiers and Sailors Historical So- 
ciety of Rhode island. Pamphlet 4to. N. 
Bangs, Williams & Co. Providence, R. I., 

An Address delivered before the Confederate 
Survivors' Association, in Augusta, Georgia, at 
its third annual meeting, on Memorial Day, 
April 26. 1S81. By Col. Charles C. Jones. Jr., 
President. Pamphlet. 8vo. Augusta, Georgia, 

Proceedings of the Wyoming Historical 
Society, at the annual meeting, held Febru- 
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tion No. 2. Pamphlet Svo. Robt. Baur. 
Wilkes-Barre Pa., 1SS1. 

The Georgia Historical Society: Its found- 
ers, patrons and friends. Anniversary address 
delivered in Hodgson Hall, on the 14th of 
February, 1881. By Charles C. Jones, Jr. 
Pamphlet Svo. Savannah, Georgia, 18S1. 

Supplement to Early History of Geneva. 
By George S. Conover. Single sheet Svo. 
Geneva, 1881. 

Annual Report of the Director of the 
Mint to the Secretary of the Treasury, for 
the fiscal year ending June 30, 1SS0. Pamph- 
let Svo. Government Printing Office, Wash- 
ington, 1S80. 

Hawaiian Almanac and Annual for 1SS1. 
A hand book of information on matters relat- 
ing to the Hawaiian Islands. Seventh year of 
publication. Pamphlet Svo. Thomas G. 
Thrum. Honolulu, 1S81. 

The Spanish Expedition to Missouri in 
1 719. John P. Jones, Keytesville, Missouri. 
Pamphlet. Kansas City Review, 1S81. 

List of Newspapers in the Maryland His- 
torical Society. Compiled by John W. M. 
Lee, Librarian and Curator. Pamphlet 4to. 
Reprinted from Mag. of Am. History. 1S81. 

Abstract oe the Transactions of the An- 
thropological Society of Washington, 
D. C , with the annual address of the President 
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for the second year, ending January iS, 1S81. 
Prepared by J. W. Powell. 8vo. National 
Republican Printing House, Washington, D.C., 

McCarty's Annual Statistician, 1SS1. By 
L. P. McCarty, Editor and Proprietor. i6mo. 
San Francisco and New Vork, 1SS1. 


King's Mountain and its Heroes. History 
of the Battle of King's Mountain, October 7, 
17S0. and the events which led to it. By Ly- 
man C. Draper. With steel portraits, maps and 
plans. This volume, a large Svo, of between 
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Vol. VII AUGUST 1881 No. 2 


THE Continental Congress appointed Washington Commander-in- 
Chief of the American forces, and gave him Horatio Gates, his 
old friend and companion-in-arms at the time of Braddock's cam- 
paign, as Adjutant-General. The selection of the officers, who were 
to carry the General's orders to his Lieutenants, to attend to his corres- 
pondence, to see things with the General's eyes and act according to his ideas, 
was very properly left to Washington himself. In making such a selec- 
tion, the commander of an army would naturally look about among the 
younger men in his circle of friends, to whose integrity, patriotism and 
knowledge of military affairs he might entrust the duties of such posi- 
tions as Washington had to offer, those of Aide-de-Camp and Secretary. 
But where could he expect to find such young men ? There were num- 
bers, no doubt, who had the first two qualifications, but none of them had 
ever had a chance of acquiring military experience. He might have 
fallen back upon his older friends, many of whom had seen service in 
the French wars or in Europe, had not Congress forestalled him by 
appointing these men to higher positions. What else could the General 
do than to choose his future " second eyes " and mouth-pieces upon a 
general knowledge of their good character and common sense, trusting 
that life in camp and active service would bring them military expe- 
rience ? It was somewhat like a reliance upon the old German proverb : 
" Wem Gott gibt ein Amt, dem gibt er auch Verstand " (to whom God 
vouchsafes an office, He also gives understanding). 

The battle of Bunker Hill and the investment of Boston by the pro- 
vincial forces of New England, together with the appointment of a mili- 
tary staff by Congress, and a call for troops from the Southern Colonies, 
led, among others, to the organization of three battalions of Pennsyl- 
vania Associated Militia, raised in Philadelphia and its liberties. Wash- 
ington reviewed these new troops on the 12th of June, a few days 
before setting out for Cambridge. The day after his departure, the 


Philadelphia correspondent of the Maryland Gazette wrote : " Major 
Thomas Mifflin (3d Batt.) is appointed Aid-de-Camp to General Wash- 
ington, and accompanies the General to the camp near Boston. The 
active and successful part which this gentleman has taken in the civil 
and military affairs of the Province of Pennsylvania has endeared him 
so much to his fellow citizens, that few men have ever left us more uni- 
versally beloved or regretted." In Washington's Orderly Book is found 
the entry under date Cambridge, 4th July, 1775. "Thomas Mifflin, 
Esq., is appointed by the General one of his Aids-de-Camp ; Joseph Reed, 
Esq., (Major 2d Philadelphia Batt.) is in like manner appointed Secre- 
tary, and they are in future to be regarded and considered as such." 

Both men had already made themselves conspicuous by their devo- 
tion to the cause of the Colonies. Mifflin sat in the Continental Con- 
gress as a colleague of Washington, and Reed was President of the 
Provincial Convention. Washington knew that they were men of 
ability, whom he could trust. With one of them, Reed, he was also 
personally acquainted, although when and how they first met 
socially is apparently not known. Curwen notes in his Journal, May 
9th, 1775 : " Passed the evening at Joseph Reed's in company with Col- 
onel Washington (a fine figure and a most easy and agreeable address), 
R. H. Lee, and Colonel Harrison, three of the Virginia delegates." We 
see that the General and his future Secretary were intimate with each 
other some time before either had any thought of the later relations. 
Whether Washington held similar relations to Mifflin cannot be ascer- 
tained. The subsequent careers of these first two members of Washington's 
military family, as well as that of most of their successors, give us a 
shining proof of Washington's ability to read character. 

The General and his suite arrived in due time at Cambridge and 
found the army, consisting of 16,770 men from Massachusetts, Connec- 
ticut, New Hampshire, and Vermont, bound together only by voluntary 
acquiescence, but not governed by any common rules of discipline. 
Washington expresses himself very leniently in his answer to an address 
of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress (July 4th, 1775), when he says: 
" The course of human affairs forbids an expectation that troops formed 
under such circumstances should at once possess the order, regularity, and 
discipline of veterans ; " but he went no less to work to weed out the 
obnoxious elements, of which Joseph Hawley says " there are too many 
officers (in the Massachusetts troops) whose characters are very equivocal 
with respect to courage." Gates, the Adjutant-General, to whom fell 
the duty of carrying out his chief's ideas of discipline, was so ably assisted 


in this work by Washington's young aid, that Richard Lee took occasion 
to write to Washington : " Not a man of common sense but approves 
the discipline you have introduced into the camp. ... I think you 
could not possibly have appointed a better man to his present office than 
Mr. Mifflin." Reading Washington's letters from Cambridge, it is easy 
to see that the Aid had rather an unpleasant task to perform, for he had 
undoubtedly to investigate charges upon which one Colonel and five Cap- 
tains of the Massachusetts line were broken, and five other officers were 
placed under arrest for trial. His connection with Washington as Aid 
did not, however, last long. After six weeks' service as such, he 
received the appointment of Quarter-Master General, and shortly after- 
wards, upon Gates' assignment to a command, was made Adjutant-Gen- 
eral of the army. 

Whatever may have occurred later to bring Mifflin in opposition to 
Washington, it is certain that at the time he left the General's military 
family he was on good terms with his chief, and highly esteemed by him, 
for, in a letter to Richard H. Lee, Washington says : " I have appointed 
Mr. Mifflin Quartermaster-General from a thorough persuasion of his 
integrity, my own experience of his activity, and finally because he stands 
unconnected with either of these governments, or with this, that, or the 
other man ; for between you and me there is more in this than you can 
easily imagine." 

While the duties of the Aid were more or less of a purely mili- 
tary character, in the execution of which he had a chance of proving 
his courage and judgment, those of the Secretary were not less ardu- 
ous, but less adapted to bring him into public notice or enable him 
to acquire military distinction. It was no easy task for a man like 
Joseph Reed to come, as a subordinate, into such intimate official con- 
tact with a man of Washington's occasionally imperious manner. His 
acceptance of the post was viewed with surprise and anxiety by his 
Philadelphia friends, who had no intimation of the step, nor even of his 
intention of remaining in the army. They considered it injudicious and 
injurious to his own prospects as well as to the common cause ; but their 
remonstrances were, happily for himself and for his chief, of no avail. 

It has been already stated that Washington was well acquainted socially 
with Reed before their official connection, and the selection of Reed for 
the post of Secretary, to live with him in the same camp, participate in 
personal and official anxieties, and to whom he could unbosom himself 
freely, shows with what confiding affection Washington relied on his 
friendship and fidelity. This confidence, bestowed without solicitation, 


was thoroughly justified and never abused. Reed's training as a lawyer 
fitted him peculiarly well for a position, in which he had to write innu- 
merable official and private letters, draft reports and other official docu- 
ments. It cannot in any way diminish our admiration for Washington, 
if " it be known that a large number of the war letters signed by Wash- 
ington were in reality written by others. The ideas expressed in them 
were his, and he selected capable men to entrust with the representation 
of his opinions. From the Life and Correspondence of Joseph Reed r 
by his grandson, Wm. B. Reed, we know that Washington exercised a 
sort of censure over the productions of the pen of his secretary. 

Like that of Mifflin, so was Reed's close connection with Wash- 
ington destined to be of short duration. When he joined the staff and 
absented himself from his law office, Reed made great sacrifices. He 
had an extensive practice, which his continued absence threatened to 
ruin ; his wife, a young mother of two infant children and in a delicate 
state of health, required all the attention of her husband, who had 
taken her from an affluent English home to the comparative discomforts 
of a Colonial residence but a few years before ; his means were far from 
ample, and he could expect to increase them only by strict attendance 
to his business. A temporary return to Philadelphia was therefore 
decided upon, much to Washington's regret, but with his approval, as 
expressed in a letter to R. H. Lee, of October 29th, 1775, the day on 
which Reed left the camp : " To neglect the several lawsuits in which 
he is engaged as attorney will not only do him a manifest injury in 
his practice and future prospects, but leave room for complaint of his 
having neglected his business as a lawyer. * * * That Col. Reed is 
clever in his business and useful to me, is too apparent to mention. I 
should do equal injustice, therefore, to his abilities and merits, were 
I not to add that his services here are too important to be lost, and that 
I could wish to have him considered in this point of view by your hon- 
orable body." 

Only a few weeks' experience as commander of the American forces 
had proved to the General that one Aid-de-camp could not attend to all 
the duties pertaining to the position. In justice to the New England 
Colonies, who had furnished so far the greater part of his army, he 
selected for his second aid an officer of a Connecticut regiment, 
John Trumbull, son of Governor Jonathan Trumbull, who had joined 
the army as Adjutant of General Spencer's (1st Connecticut) regi- 
ment. According to Trumbull's own account, it was probably an 
accident which brought him to the notice of the General and led to 


his promotion. Trumbull was told by his elder brother, the Commis- 
sary-General, that the chief desired a correct plan of the enemy's works 
in front of the American forces on Boston Neck. As he had from child- 
hood been very fond of drawing, he undertook to make a plan 
and a view, which, upon comparison with a rough draft of the whole 
works, brought into camp by a deserter from the British army, proving 
correct, "probably led to my future promotion," writes Trumbull, " for 
soon after I was presented to the General, and appointed his second 
Aid-de-camp." A new element, and perhaps not a harmonious one, was 
now added to Washington's family. A precocious child of strongly puri- 
tanical parents, deprived by misfortunes of the youthful pleasures attend- 
ing a college life at Harvard, of delicate constitution, and perhaps more 
or less dyspeptic at that time, it can well be imagined that he looked upon 
many things with disfavor, and was glad when he was relieved from his 
duties on the Commander's staff. I will let him describe the situation in 
which he found himself placed, and the sentiments which it called forth : 
" The scene at headquarters was altogether new and strange to me, for 
the ruined state of my father's fortune, and the retirement in which he 
lived at Lebanon, had prevented my having seen much of elegant 
society. I now suddenly found myself in the family of one of the most 
distinguished and dignified men of the age, surrounded at his table by 
the principal officers of the army and in constant intercourse with them. 
It was further my duty to receive company and do the honors of the 
house to many of the first people of the country, of both sexes. I soon 
felt myself unequal to the elegant duties of my situation, and was gratified 
when Mr. Edmund Randolph and Mr. Baylor arrived from Virginia, 
and were named Aids-de-camp to succeed Mr. Mifflin and myself." 

Trumbull had been an aid from the 27th of July to the 1 5th of August, 
too short a time to form an opinion of the character of his brother-aids, 
but there seems to be little room for a doubt that he shared with his 
brother Joseph Trumbull, the Commissary-General, a dislike of the 
Southern officers, especially of Reed. It is not within the scope of this 
paper to speak of the jealousies between the New England and Southern 
officers, but any one interested in these details of the history of the 
Revolution has only to read Joseph Trumbull's letter to Col. William 
Williams, member of the Connecticut Council of Safety, which, inter- 
cepted by the British, was published in Hugh Gaines' New York Gazette, 
of December 9th, 1776. After reading it, it is easy to see that "the 
stinking pride of Reed," as Joseph Trumbull calls it, had, on more 
than one occasion during the short period of his staff service, offended 


the sensibility of John Trumbull and made him feel entirely out of 

In August, 1775, Washington writes to R. H. Lee : " The merits of 
this young gentleman " (Edmund Randolph, who had come with a letter 
from Lee), " added to your recommendation and my knowledge of his 
character, induced me to take him into my family as an A.D.C., in the 
room of Mr. Mifflin." With Randolph came George Baylor, who took 
Trumbull's place. Both these new arrivals were Virginians, and of 
families belonging to Washington's circle of friends. Randolph's father, 
John, had been Attorney-General of Virginia ; his uncle, Peyton, King's 
Attorney for the same Colony. The former remained loyal to the Crown, 
while Peyton Randolph became an early opponent of the British 
policy against the Colonies and was chairman of the Committee of 
Correspondence in 1773, which, by its recommendations, brought about 
the meeting of the first Continental Congress of 1774, at Philadelphia, 
of which he was President. John's son, Edmund, the aid-de-camp, 
did not follow his father, but, under the influence of his uncle 
Peyton, espoused the American cause, much to the disgust of his 
father, who disinherited him for it. This is probably what Wash- 
ington, in the above quoted letter, calls " the merits of the young 
gentleman." The duties of the two new aids, who were gazetted as 
such on the 15th August, 1775, did not differ from those of their prede- 
cessors, though Washington may have hoped that the one or the other 
would assist his Secretary, Reed. Receiving visitors at headquarters, 
looking over military returns for the Adjutant-General, making recon- 
noissances in the surrounding country, atid investigating charges against 
officers, filled their time. They had not even the satisfaction of distin- 
guishing themselves in an engagement, as their predecessor, Mifflin, had 
done at Lechmere's Point. The summer and part of the autumn of 1775 
passed for them in this way, when Randolph was called South by the 
death of his uncle Peyton, about a month after Reed, the Secretary, had 
left for Philadelphia. Reed had not yet resigned his post, but during 
his absence his duties were performed by a substitute. Of this 
substitute, and of the other members of the General's family, he gives 
us himself a description in a letter to Reed, written Nov. 20, 1775, 
when Randolph set out on the melancholy errand to escort his 
uncle's body from Philadelphia to the College Chapel at Williams- 
burgh, Va. "The hint contained in the last of your letters, 
respecting the continuance in my family — in other words, your 
wish that I could dispense with it, gives me pain. You already, my 


dear sir, know my sentiments on this matter ; you cannot but be sensible 
of your importance to me. * * * You can judge that I feel the want 
of you, when I inform you that the peculiar situation of Mr. Randolph's 
affairs obliged him to leave this place soon after you did ; that Mr. Bay- 
lor, contrary to my expectations, is not in the smallest degree a penman, 
tho' spirited and willing, and that Mr. Harrison, tho' sensible, clear 
and perfectly confidential, has never yet moved upon so large a scale 
as to comprehend at one view the diversity of matter which comes 
before me, so as to afford that ready assistance which every man in my 
situation must stand more or less in need of. Mr. Moylan, it is true, is 
very obliging ; he gives me what assistance he can, but other business 
must necessarily deprive me of his aid in a very short time." Here 
appear two new names, neither of which has as yet been announced 
in General Orders, nor are they found gazetted until the following 
year had run part of its course. Robert Hanson Harrison, of Alex- 
andria, Va., a lawyer by profession, and an old friend of Washing- 
ton, accepted the General's invitation to become a member of his 
family, and arrived at Cambridge shortly after Reed's departure. 
Stephen Moylan, of Philadelphia, had joined the army as an officer of 
one of the Pennsylvania regiments, and was, at the date of the above 
quoted letter, " Mustermaster-General to the Army of the United 
Colonies," by appointment of August nth, 1775. Both Harrison and 
Moylan attended to Washington's official correspondence during the 
winter 1775 to '6, while Mr. Baylor performed the more active out-door 
duties, and saw that the General's orders and dispositions, which finally 
led to the evacuation of Boston by the British, were carried out. 

In the beginning of March, 1776, Baylor seemed to have desired to 
see more active service, for Washington wrote to Joseph Reed, on 
the 7th : " Mr. Baylor, seeming to have an inclination to go into the 
artillery, and Colonel Knox being desirous of it, I have appointed Mr. 
Moylan and Mr. Palfrey my Aids-de-camp " (they were gazetted March 
6th, 1776), "so that I shall have, when you come, a good many writers 
about me." But Baylor did not immediately leave the staff, for, as " first 
aid-de-camp to the Commander-in-chief," he delivered to the President 
of the Continental Congress Washington's despatch on the battle of 
Trenton and a Hessian standard taken there. Congress voted "that 
a horse properly caparisoned for the service should be presented to 
Colonel Baylor, and that he should be recommended to General 
Washington for promotion to the command of a regiment of Light 
Horse." The appointment followed quickly (January 9th, 1777), and 


with it Baylor ceased to belong to the General's family, which had, 
in the meantime, experienced many changes and additions. Reed had 
at last completely severed his connection with it as Secretary, having 
been appointed Adjutant-General, and R. H. Harrison had been 
gazetted in his place (May 16th, 1776), between whom, and Moyian, 
Reed directed that the pay accrued to him during his absence should 
be divided. Palfrey had been appointed Paymaster-General in April, 
1776, and Moyian Quartermaster-General in August of the same year. 

Meanwhile Richard Cary, of Massachusetts, Brigade Major of the 
brigade "commanded by the eldest colonel " since August 15th, 1775; 
Samuel Blatchley Webb, of Connecticut, aid-de-camp to General Putnam, 
Alexander Contee Hanson, of Virginia, had joined the General's family 
June 2 1 st, 1776; William Grayson, of Virginia, on the 24th of August, 
of the same year — the first two and the last named as aids-de-camp, 
Hanson as Assistant Secretary, under his kinsman Harrison. Their 
appointments were announced in General Orders. How came these 
appointments to be made ? 

In the case of Cary, was Washington influenced by tender reminis- 
cences of his early love for Mary Cary, of Rich Neck, in Virginia, whose 
distant cousin (their great-great-grandfathers had been brothers) the new 
Aid was? Or did he only think of rewarding the good conduct and 
effective service of a well-educated, meritorious officer ? Webb, it has 
been shown, in the biographical sketch in a previous number of this 
magazine [IV. 427], was indebted for his appointment to Joseph Reed, 
to whom he had expressed a desire of becoming a member of the Gen- 
eral's family. 

William Grayson held friendly relations with Washington before 
the war, and at one time (November, 1774), when Captain of the 
Independent Company of Cadets in Prince William Co., Va., asked 
Washington, in the name of his company, to take the command of 
it as their field-officer. In his case this ante-bellum acquaintance was 
probably the cause of the appointment. Hanson we must consider as 
having come in through the influence of Secretary Harrison, to whom 
Washington had given his confidence as thoroughly as to Reed. 

On the 4th of June, 1776, Congress, by their Resolve, established 
the military status of the Aids and Principal Secretary of the Com- 
mander-in-chief, giving them the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel. 

In the summer of 1776, the headquarters of the army were removed 
from Cambridge to New York, which gave to the younger members of 
the staff an opportunity of practicing the arts of siege-war. This was no 


holiday task. Even if the American Army, then nominally 27,000 strong, 
had consisted of as many effective and well-armed men, it would have 
been an utter impossibility to defend with it a line fifteen miles in length, 
open to attack at every point. Fortifying was, therefore, the order of 
the day, as well on Manhattan as on Long Island, and the Commander- 
in-chief is found with his Aids, inspecting the progress of the works, 
or a single Aid carrying orders to the Engineer in charge, while the 
two Secretaries and members of the staff, not on out-door duty, are busy 
with the General's correspondence. On one day the whole staff was 
undoubtedly engaged in writing; the day (July 7th, 1776) when the 
Declaration of Independence was received at Headquarters, and copies 
were furnished to every Brigade Commander, to be read to his command. 

Washington's military family numbered, in the summer of 1776, 
five members, published in General Orders, and one not yet gazetted, 
Tench Tilghman, of Maryland. The duties of the staff had become 
so arduous that, in the orders publishing Harrison's appointment (May 
16th, 1776), Lieutenants Caleb Gibbs and George Lewis, of the General's 
guard, were authorized to deliver the General's commands, with the 
same effect as if delivered by the regularly appointed aids, and when 
Colonel Moylan was promoted to be Quartermaster-General, another 
order told the army that he had not as yet relinquished all the duties of 
an aid-de-camp to the Commander-in-chief. 

Dr. Samuel A. Harrison, in his Memoir of Tench Tilghman, men- 
tions among the members of General Washington's family at the time 
when young Tilghman joined it (August, 1776), Richard Kidder Meade, 
of Virginia. This is apparently a mistake. On the 15th day of Novem- 
ber, R. K. Meade was appointed a Lieut-Colonel of one of the six new 
Virginia regiments, which were to be raised in the " Continental estab- 
lishment." Sparks, in his list of Washington's aids, made up from the 
Orderly-books, gives the date of Meade's appointment as March 12th, 
1777, and, in the absence of any further evidence, showing that Meade 
was perhaps a Volunteer Aid, I am inclined to accept the latter date 
as the correct one. 

The frequent changes made in the personnel of Washington's staff 
during the first year, or year and a half of his command, show us how 
difficult it must have been for him to secure the continued services of 
properly qualified men, whom he could not retain in his family without 
detriment to their further military career. Washington, in the above 
quoted letter to Reed, described the qualifications which he expected to 
find in the person holding the responsible position and intimate relation 


of his Secretary, and expressed, at the same time, his disappointment 
that Colonel Harrison did not quite come up to the mark. Although 
this lack of certain qualifications did not in any way diminish the con- 
fidence which the General placed in his Secretary, it must have made 
him very willing to give this officer such assistants as would, by their 
aptitude, supplement his deficiencies. One of them was Alexander 
Contee Hanson (whom Sparks and Force persistently and erroneously 
call Harrison), afterward Chief Justice of Maryland, who was only a short 
time in the General's family. The other one was Tench Tilghman, who 
began his military career as Captain of a Philadelphia company, and served 
in the Flying Camp in 1776. In August of the same year he joined the 
General's family, but not in any officially defined position. Harrison's 
ill-health, which frequently may have prevented strict confinement to 
the desk, soon gave Tilghman a chance to prove to the General that he 
was the man for the place. His letters to his father, who was mildlv 
opposed to the son's joining the army, give us glimpses of the life at Head- 
quarters. " I can assure you," he writes, August 15th, "your anxiety on 
my account is groundless, on the score of expense, company and habit 
of idleness. As to the first, I live at less, in proportion, than at Phila- 
delphia; the second, my acquaintance is confined to two or three young 
gentlemen of the General's family ; and to the last, you cannot conceive 
what a constant scene of business we are engaged in." A few days 
later: "You need be under no apprehension of my losing my health on 
the score of excess in living. Vice is banished from this army, and the 
General's family in particular. We never sup, but go early to bed, and 
are early up." His position, which some of his letters show to have 
been that of Aid-de-camp as well as of Assistant Secretary, is defined 
by himself in a letter to his father of October 7th, 1776, from Head- 
quarters, Harlem Heights : " It makes me exceedingly unhappy to 
think that my situation, which is not more dangerous than that of any 
other man in the army, should make you and my sisters so uneasy. 
* * * I am detained here by no particular engagements entered 
into with the General ; so far from it that, tho' he has repeatedly 
told me I ought to have a compensation for my services, I have 
refused, telling him that as I only intended to stay with him as long as 
the active part of the campaign lasted, I wished to serve as a volunteer. 
If I had no other tie than that of honor, I could not leave the army just 
now; but there is another, if possible more binding with me. The 
General has treated me in a manner the most confidential ; he has 
intrusted me and another gentleman of his family, his Secretary, with 


his most private opinions on more occasions than one, and I am sure 
they have been given in a different manner than they would have 
been to some others, that the world imagines have great influence over 
him." And he remained as long as Washington had need of an aid (till 
1783), while that other trusted friend of the Commander-in-chief, Secre- 
tary Harrison, only left him when, after the conclusion of active opera- 
tions upon the surrender of Corn wallis, considerations for his own health 
and the future welfare of his family compelled him to think of his private 
concerns. " As the friendship between us," he writes to Hamilton from 
New Windsor, in 1781, "gives you a claim to something more" (in 
regard to explanations why he left the army), " I shall detail to you, 
my friend, the more substantial reasons. I go from the army then, 
because I have found, on examination, that my little fortune, earned by 
an honest and hard industry, was becoming embarrassed ; to attend to 
the education of my children ; to provide for the payment of a consider- 
able sum of money with which I stand charged in the partition of my 
father's estate ; to save a house which I had begun, and because the 
State of Maryland, in a flattering manner, have been pleased to appoint 
me to a place very respectable in its nature. * * * They have 
appointed me to the chair of the Supreme Court." 

Want of space does not permit more than a hasty mention of the 
letters written by one or the other, in 1776, with Washington's approval, 
to the New York Convention on the state of affairs ; of the repeated 
refusals by both of promotions, which would compel them to leave the 
General's family ; of Tilghman's modesty, displayed when at last, in 
1781, he had been persuaded to apply for a commission, and when he 
asked that it should be dated only from April 1, 1777, that he might 
not out-rank Hamilton and Meade, who had been recognized as Aids 
prior to that date. (His commission was issued May 30, 1781 ; not as 
Sparks has it, June 21, 1781). 

After the fall of Yorktown and the surrender of Cornwallis, Washing- 
ton sent Tilghman to Congress to announce the glorious news. Tilghman 
reached Philadelphia late at night, but he was too anxious to deliver the 
important despatches of which he was a bearer, to heed the time. He 
tried to arouse President McKean, and in his efforts to do so came very 
near being arrested by the night-watch as a disturber of the peace. The 
Congress voted him a caparisoned horse and an elegant sword, which 
latter is still in the possession of his grand-son, Mr. Oswald Tilghman, 
of Easton, Talbot county, Maryland. Is it not natural to find that 
the man to whom Washington wrote January 7th, 1783: "It would 

92 Washington's military family 

be but a renewal of what I have often repeated to you, that there 
are few men in the world to whom I am more attached by inclina- 
tion than I am to you. * * * * I shall never be more happy 
than in your company at Mount Vernon" — is it not natural — to 
find that Tilghman remained with Washington until the very last 
moment of the General's connection with the army ; that he stood by 
his side when, at Annapolis, December 23d, 1783, Washington resigned 
his commission as Commander-in-chief? 

The next official appointments, following each other in rapid succes- 
sion, were of George Johnson, January 20, 1777; John Walker, Febru- 
ary 19th, 1777; Alexander Hamilton, March 1st, 1777, and Richard K. 
Meade, March 12th, 1777, to fill the places vacated by Webb, promoted 
to the Colonelcy of one of the ten new Connecticut regiments January 
nth, 1777, by Grayson and by Cary, likewise promoted. 

Of George Johnson, Washington writes to the "old Secretary," 
Harrison, then absent from camp on sick leave (January 9th, 1777): "I 
often intended to ask you whether your brother-in-law, Major Johnson, 
would not, in your opinion, make a good Aid-de-camp to me. * * * 
I beg you will not consider the connection between you in answering it. 
I have heard that Major Johnson is a man of education ; I believe him 
to be a man of sense. These are two very necessary qualifications ; but 
how is his temper? * * * Webb waits only the arrival of another 
aid, to set out for Connecticut." I have not been able to ascertain 
when Johnson left the staff, but believe it was in September or October 
of the same year. 

John Walker, of Virginia, though gazetted as aid to the Commander, 
probably never served in that capacity. He came into the camp on a 
peculiar mission from the Governor of Virginia, the purport of 
which the following letter of Washington to Patrick Henry hints, and 
to conceal which he was nominally appointed aid ; " Mr. John Walker 
has, I doubt not, informed you of the situation in which I have placed 
him, in order that he may obtain the best information, and at the same 
time have his real design hid from the world, thereby avoiding the evils 
which might otherwise result from such appointments, if adopted by 
other States. * * * To avoid the precedent, therefore, and from 
your character of Mr. Walker and the opinion I myself entertain of his 
abilities, honor and prudence, I have taken him into my family as an 
extra aid-de-camp, and shall be happy if, in this character, he can answer 
your expectations." This letter was written from Morristown, Febru- 
ary 24th, 1777, at a time when the American army was reduced to about 



5,000 men, almost ready to disband, and no hope for a speedy increase 
could be entertained. The Virginian deputy had come into camp to 
examine the condition of the army, and the knowledge of such a mis- 
sion being tolerated, would have soon drawn deputies from all the other 
States to Headquarters to harass Washington. 

The General was at this time not only Commander-in-chief of the 
American forces, and as such responsible to Congress for the conduct of 
the war, but was also an intermediary between the Congress and the 
States, whose relations to each other were not clearly defined. The duties 
to be performed by his Aids and Secretaries assumed, therefore, a new 
character, and became more arduous than ever before. It was under 
these circumstances that Alexander Hamilton, a young Captain of Artil- 
lery, joined the General's family, after having refused similar invitations 
from two other general officers. He preferred service in the line of the 
army by which promotion could be obtained, and therefore hesitated 
when invited to a staff position, but the lustre of Washington's reputa- 
tion finally overcame Hamilton's ambition, and from the 1st of March, 
1777, he is transferred to a sphere of action much more appropriate to 
the rising statesman. His duties were not merely to execute subordi- 
nate parts, but to be the General's exponent in military and political 
matters in his correspondence and personal intercourse with Congress 
and the States. The " old Secretary," as Harrison was affectionately 
called, took the largest share of Washington's correspondence on 
matters of less diplomatic nature. He seized, with the brief memoranda 
before him, upon the chief's thoughts, and, sometimes diffusely or hur- 
riedly, placed them in a most perspicuous light. Tilghman was more or 
less the reporter of facts, and his letters, which sometimes may be sup- 
posed to have been written on a drum-head, are always marked by a 
general air of elegance. " The more elaborate and important communi- 
cations, which did not proceed from the commander-in-chief, devolved 
upon Hamilton." This division of labor, which gave to the older 
members the most onerous and less important tasks, and to the new Aid, 
called by Harrison with fatherly affection " the little lion," every chance 
of distinguishing himself, created no inviduous rivalry. Harrison was 
too conscientious a friend of Washington, and Tilghman of too genial 
and sprightly a character, and too great an admirer of his chief, not to 
acquiesce in this arrangement. Lafayette gives testimony to the tone 
of feeling prevailing at this time and to the end of the war in the 
General's family, by relating, that "during a familiar association of five 
years, not an instance of disagreement occurred." Yet the connection 


of Hamilton with Washington's military family came to an end Febru- 
ary 16th, 1781, by a sudden ebullition of temper on Washington's part, 
and an equally sudden determination by the Aid to return to active 
service in the line. Nevertheless his relations to the Commander-in- 
chief quickly resumed the old tone of friendship, confidence and respect, 
and they are soon again " seen drawn together by mutual regard for 
the public interests, to the closest and most intimate connections, which 
terminated only with their lives." Hamilton became the first Secretary 
of the Treasury under Washington's Administration. 

During the year 1777 Washington had about him as his family, 
R. H. Harrison, Secretary ; Tench Tilghman, Alexander Hamilton, 
Richard K. Meade, of Virginia, who, appointed March 12th, 1777, 
retired from the Staff and the army early in 1781 ; Presly P. Thornton, 
of Virginia, appointed an extra Aid in August, and gazetted September 
6th ; John Laurens, of South Carolina, appointed October 6th, and last, 
but not least, the Marquis de la Fayette. It was the year when the 
troops under the immediate command of Washington met with disasters 
of every kind, while the Northern Army of the States were victorious in 
almost every rencontre with the enemy; the year, the end of which found 
Washington and his army at Valley Forge, when the Conway cabal was 
disclosed. Of the above mentioned members of his family, Thornton 
probably left him again before the end of the year, or early in 1778, to 
make place for another Virginian, John Fitzgerald. The loss of the 
Orderly Books for part of the year 1777, for the years 1778 and 1779, 
and part of 1780, and the absence of any mention of their names in the 
correspondence of Washington or other letters precludes, in several 
cases, the fixing of the dates of appointments to or retirements from the 
Staff. Congress having, by a resolve of January 5th, 1778, " authorized 
Washington to appoint such a number of aids-de-camp as he may from 
time to time judge necessary, and to make choice of regimental officers, 
if he thinks proper," it is very likely that whenever his own family were 
over-burdened with duties, he appointed one or the other officer whom he 
knew as " confidential " and reliable, his Extra Aid, to be sent with letters 
or orders to other Generals, or perhaps to the President of Congress, as 
Fitzgerald was sent with a confidential mission to President Laurens, then 
at York, Pa., early in February, 1778. Tradition has it also, that 
Henry Phil. Livingston, son of Phil. Livingston, member of the Con- 
tinental Congress, was an aid to Washington in 1778, while the truth is, 
that up to December, 1778, H. Ph. Livingston was only a Lieutenant in 
the corps of General Washington's guards, and was made a Captain on 


December 4th of the same year, to succeed Captain Gibbs, promoted 
to be Major. 

One of the above-mentioned members of Washington's military family 
in 1776 deserves a more than passing notice as the one who, while 
nominally still an Aid to the Commander-in-chief, was sent abroad on a 
diplomatic mission. This was the young South Carolinian, John Laurens, 
son of President Laurens, who, while his son represented the American 
Commander in the negotiations for the capitulation of Cornwallis, sat 
as a prisoner of state in the Tower of London, of which the same Corn- 
wallis was the Constable. Laurens, of all the other Aids, held the first 
place in Hamilton's affections, and a very high one in those of Wash- 
ington. He joined the army in the beginning of 1777, and distin- 
guished himself at Brandywine and Germantown so greatly that he 
attracted the Chief's attention, and two days after the battle of Ger- 
mantown was gazetted, though badly wounded, as an aid-de-camp to 
the Commander-in-chief (October 6th, 1777). He also took active part 
in the battle of Monmouth, " where every member of Washington's 
staff contended, not only for their country, but for the honor of their 
Chief." On two occasions, besides his mission to France, he absented 
himself from service on the staff, without ceasing to be a member of it. 
In August, 1778, he joined Sullivan in the expedition against Newport, 
R. I., and in October, 1779, Washington writes,: "John Laurens (my 
Aid), who flew to South Carolina when his country was in danger, is 
appointed Secretary to Dr. Franklin, but whether he will accept or not 
I cannot tell, as I have not seen him since March." Laurens declined, 
for though of intrepid spirit, he had not sufficient confidence in his 
own abilities; yet when in 1780 it was deemed necessary to send to 
France an officer who, by his intimate relations with the Commander- 
in-chief and his military position, could give the most reliable informa- 
tion concerning the American army, Laurens was selected and sent, 
and perhaps his way of dealing with the formal ministers of the 
French King, upon whom he pressed his demands with more pertinacity 
and less regard to forms than is usual in diplomatic intercourse, obtained 
for America more than the suave and formal dealings of a diplomatist 
could have done. He secured the promise of the aid of the fleet of de 
Grasse and the additional contingent of troops which at Yorktown 
determined the struggle for independence. 

Returned to America, he again joined Washington, and distinguished 
himself once more by turning, on the night of the 14th October, with 
eighty men, the redoubt at Yorktown, while it was assaulted in front 


by Lafayette with Gimat, Hamilton and Fish. La Fayette expressed 
himself as under special obligations to him for his brilliant services. 
Within a year he fell " a sacrifice to his ardor in a trifling skirmish in 
South Carolina" (Aug. 27th, 1782, at Chehaw Neck). 

" Laurens, passing to an early tomb, 
Looks like a flower just with'ring in its bloom. 
Thy father's pride, the glory of our host! 
Thy country's sorrow; late thy country's boast! 
O, Laurens! gen'rous youth! twice hadst thou bled, 
Could not the ball with devious aim have sped ? 
And must thy friends, now peace appears so near, 
Weep the third stroke, that cuts a life so dear ? 
That blots the prospect of our rising morn, 
And leaves thy country, as thy sire, forlorn ? " 

This was the tribute paid to Laurens by his brother-aids, through the 
pen of one of them, David Humphreys, who joined the staff of the Com- 
mander-in-chief June 23d, 1780, when Laurens, who had been taken 
a prisoner at Charleston, S. C, and paroled, was, by his parole, incapaci- 
tated to serve. 

At the time when the sessions of the first General Congress of the 
Colonies made Philadelphia the cynosure of America and a remarkable 
school for politics, Dr. Benjamin Rush, a friend of Washington, had 
among his medical pupils a young Irishman whose family, a few years 
before, had settled in Baltimore. Through his teacher's intimacy with 
Washington, this young man had the first opportunity "of forming 
that admiration for the hero of the Revolution which he held so strongly 
all his life." He followed his idol to the camp at Cambridge to serve as 
a volunteer surgeon, and served with such distinction that Congress, on 
the 26th of August, 1776, " resolved that Congress have a proper sense 
of the merit and services of Doctor McHenry, and recommend * * * 
to appoint Dr. McHenry to the first vacancy that shall happen of Sur- 
geon's berth in any of the hospitals." Appointed Surgeon of Magaw's 
(5th Penn.) regiment, he was taken prisoner in " the cursed job of Fort 
Washington," paroled January, 1777, and released March, 1778. The 
fact of his having been released was communicated to him in a con- 
gratulatory letter from Hamilton, and shortly after he was probably 
summoned to Headquarters, for on May 15th, 1778, he was appointed 
Secretary to the Commander-in-chief, without giving up his medical 
duties, since, in a letter written two days after his appointment, he sub- 
scribes himself as " Senior Surgeon, Flying Hospital." 



I cannot, I believe, do better than give the words in which Mr. Fred. 
J. Brown, who had access to the McHenry papers, describes the relations 
between the General and this new member of his family : " From this 
time his relations with Washington were always most cordial, and 
through life Washington wrote to him as to a trusted friend and adviser. 
McHenry's easy and cheerful temper was able to bear the strain which 
we suppose must sometimes occur between two persons thrown so 
closely and so constantly together, in a position of social equality and 
military inequality ; a strain which we know, from Hamilton's experi- 
ence, might become extreme when Washington allowed his temper to 
escape from the stern control under which it was generally kept. The 
hero remained a hero to at least one of his Aid-de-camps." 

McHenry's duties were principally of the same kind as those which 
had been allotted to Harrison and Tilghman, as Secretaries, and to the 
other Aids ; only, as he held as yet no military rank (except that of 
Surgeon), we must infer that he was more Secretary than Aid. Military 
rank was not conferred on him, nor was his status settled until May 25th, 
1 78 1, when Congress voted to him the rank of Major in the line of the 
army, to bear date October 30th, 1780, giving, at the same time, his 
brother-aid, Tilghman, the rank of Lieut.-Colonel. He had, however, 
practically ceased to be a member of the General's family, for in 
August, 1780, Washington gave him to La Fayette as Aid, and with the 
latter he continued to the end of the war. It has been stated, and a 
letter from General Greene, of June 24th, 1781, seems to confirm the 
statement, that Washington, fearing the Marquis' youthful ardor might 
lead the army entrusted to him to irreparable loss, placed McHenry, a 
"sensible, judicious man, of unquestioned intrepidity, and of a temper 
which, tho' firm in the support of principles, was full of moderation 
and amenity," near the Marquis, that he might, by his prudent ad- 
vice and experience in military affairs, act as a damper upon La 
Fayette's possible over-zeal. Be that as it may, McHenry's pleasant 
disposition and character soon made impression on the Marquis, who 
in after years alluded to him as the " confidential friend in my military 

David Humphreys, from Connecticut, the poet of Washington's aids, 
joined the staff without military rank in the line of the army. The 
battles of the war had been fought, and negotiations for peace had 
already begun, when Congress, on the 12th November, 1782, ordered 
that a commission be issued to him as Lieut.-Colonel, to bear date from 
June 23d, 1780, although he had joined a few weeks previously. In a 


poetical ietter to a young lady in Boston, written at New Haven, Conn., 
on his way to Headquarters in April, 1780, he says: 

"I go wherever the battle bleeds, 
To-morrow — (brief then be my story) — 
I go to Washington and glory ; 
His Aid-de-camp " * * * 

Of genial temper, and a thoroughly brave man, he soon found his 
way to the hearts of his Chief and brother-aids. He was at Yorktown 
with his chief and wrote an epitaph on Scammel, the one brilliant 
sacrifice of the siege. With Tilghman, he shared the honor of commu- 
nicating to Congress the glorious news of Cornwallis' surrender. 
Tilghman announced the surrender; Humphreys brought the details. 

" Advice being received/' says the Journal of Congress, November 
3d, 1781, " that a messenger was arrived from Headquarters, the Presi- 
dent resumed the Chair, and Col. Humphreys, one of the General's Aids, 
was introduced, and delivered a letter from the General, of 27th and 
29th Octbr., containing returns of prisoners, artillery, arms, ordnance, 
etc., surrendered by the enemy at York and Gloucester, 19th October; 
he also laid before Congress 24 standards taken at the same time, and 
withdrew." In his letter to Congress Washington recommended to its 
notice his Aid, for his attention, fidelity and good services, and on 
November 7th it was resolved " that an elegant sword be presented in 
the name of the United States in Congress assembled, to Col. Hum- 
phreys, A.D.C. to the Commander-in-chief." 

Col. Humphreys remained with Washington until the latter resigned 
his commission, and then accompanied him to Mount Vernon, being the 
last officer of the army who parted from the General. He afterwards 
returned and resided at Mount Vernon during the whole time which 
elapsed between the adoption of the new Constitution and Washington's 
election to the Presidency. He was the only person, their servants 
excepted, who attended the President to New York, then the seat of 
government, to take the oath of office. 

Meanwhile the time had come when Harrison, as stated above, the 
"Old Secretary" felt obliged to leave the Commander's family. His 
place had to be promptly filled. Why Tilghman was not promoted to 
be Chief-Secretary, I have not been able to discover. Perhaps it was 
offered to him and, with his known modesty, he declined, or perhaps 
the Secretaries stood on an equal footing. Washington selected for the 
position an elder brother of his former Aid, John Trumbull, Jonathan 
Trumbull, Jr., then Paymaster of the Northern Department. 


" Col. Harrison," he writes to Jonathan Trumbull from New Wind- 
sor, April 16th, 1781, "who has acted as my Secretary since the begin- 
ning of y j6, has accepted an honorable and profitable appointment in the 
State of Maryland, and is gone to enjoy it. The circle of my acquaint- 
ance does not furnish a character that would be more pleasing to me as 
a successor to him than yourself. I make you the first offer, therefore, 
of the vacant office, and should be happy in your acceptance of it. The 
pay is $100 a month ; the rations those of a Lieut. -Colonel in the army. 
No perquisites appertain to the office. The Secretary lives as I do, is at 
little expense while he is in my family, or while absent on my business, 
and is in the highest confidence and estimation from the nature of his 
office." Trumbull accepted, but his appointment was not promulgated in 
general orders until June 8th, 178 1. He remained Washington's Secre- 
tary until the end of the war. Three other appointments of Aids quickly 
followed, to fill the vacancies caused by the retirement of Hamilton and 
Meade, and the absence of Laurens : David Cobb, of Massachusetts 
(June 15th, 1781); Peregrine Fitzhugh, of Virginia (July 2d, 1781), and 
Wiliam Stephens Smith, of New York (July 6th, 1781). Fitzhugh's 
appointment seems to have been only a temporary one, for he disappears 
quickly from all notice, while the other two were with the General till 
1783. An order of battle of the allied armies, dated August 1, 1781, 
giving the following list of aides-de-camp to the Commander-in-chief : 
Tench Tilghman, Lieut.-Colonel by brevet; David Cobb, Lieut.-Colonel 
9th Massachusetts Regiment; David Humphreys, Captain 4th Con- 
necticut Regiment ; William S. Smith, Lieut.-Colonel by brevet ; Pere- 
grine Fitzhugh, Lieutenant Maryland Dragoons ; Jonathan Trumbull, 
Esq., Secretary. This was undoubtedly the arrangement for the 
summer campaign of that year. 

In one respect, Cobb took the place of McHenry. He too had been 
a practising physician before entering political and military life, and 
while serving as Lieut.-Colonel of Jackson's regiment in New Jersey and 
Rhode Island, during 1777-8, must have had as frequent occasions 
to prescribe for his men as he probably had for his brother-aids, when a 
member of Washington's family. Although one of the last group of 
Aids surrounding Washington, he was not present at Annapolis, when 
his Chief surrendered his commission. It was the General's desire 
that he should not be. " Equally unexpected by them," Washington 
writes to Robert Morris, January 4th, 1784, "as it appeared just in my 
eye to do it, I have given my late Aids, who attended me from the seat 
of my military command, one hundred dollars each, to bear their expenses 


home. I could not think it reasonable that, from their attachment to 
me, or from motives of etiquette, they should incur the charges them- 
selves. * * * Cobb I would not suffer (on account of his domestic 
and other concerns) to proceed further than Philadelphia." 

The other " late Aids " were Lieut.-Colonels Tench Tilghman and 
David Humphreys, Wm. S. Smith, Benj. Walker, and Major Henry 
Baylies, Extra Aid. Colonel Wm. S. Smith had seen active and staff 
service from almost the beginning of the war. Aid-de-camp to Sul- 
livan from 1776 to 1778, Lieut.-Colonel of the 13th Massachusetts 
regiment to March, '79, he joined Baron Steuben's staff after having 
recovered from wounds received in battle. While acting as Sub- 
Inspector under Steuben Congress placed him at the disposal of the 
Commander-in-chief, who, aware of his good services and abilities,, 
soon invited him to become one of his family. I have been vainly 
endeavoring to discover whether the tradition has any foundation that 
Colonel Smith sat to Stuart, the painter, for Washington's body, as 
Colonel Benj. Tallmadge is said to have sat to Trumbull for his legs.. 
But we have the word of a contemporary, a former brother-aid, for the 
statement that Colonel Smith was in command of the Union Brigade 
at Scotch Plains, N. J., during the military proceedings occasioned by 
his old Chief's demise. 

The addition of Colonel Smith closes the circle of the officers who 
attended the Commander-in-chief during the whole period of active 
campaigning, sharing with him fatigue and anxiety, danger and 
comfort in camp, city, and on his occasional visits to Mount Ver- 
non. They are the men, pre-eminently, of whom Washington, in his 
address to the President of Congress, December 23d, 1783, said: "It 
was impossible the choice of confidential officers to compose my family 
should have been more fortunate." But there are still three other mem- 
bers to be noticed. The names of two, Walker (January 25th, 1782) and 
Baylies (May 13th, 1782) have already been mentioned ; I can, however 
hardly do more than give their names and dates of appointment, for of 
Baylies I can find nothing, and of Walker only that he was an English- 
man who joined the American Army as a Captain in Livingston's regi- 
ment of the New York line, for some time Aid to General Steuben, 
and probably at his solicitation, was invited into Washington's family. 
Their duties could not have been of the dangerous nature attending the 
executions of a General's orders in a battle, or in a country overrun by 
an enemy. When they were called to their station, the turmoils of 
war had practically ceased, and it was more important that Aid 
should be a rapid penman, than a swift horseman. 


The correspondence of Washington, never small from the day when 
he first took command of the army, of course gradually increased, and 
the General, a man of method, disturbed at not being able to bring order 
into his accumulated papers, finally had to apply to Congress for a 
remedy. He wrote to the President of Congress : 

"New Windsor, 4 April, 1781. 
"Sir: The business that has given constant exercise to the pen of my Secretary, and not 
only frequently, but always, to those of my Aids-de-camp, has rendered it impracticable for the 
former to register the copies of my letters and instructions in books. * * * Unless a set of 
writers are employed for the sole purpose of recording them, it will not be in my power to accom- 
plish this necessary work. * * * But to engage these, without the sanction of Congress, I have 
not thought myself at liberty." 

He suggests that the business be done away from the army, in some 
" quiet retreat," under the supervision of a man of character, in whom 
entire confidence can be placed. In conformity with this suggestion, 
Congress authorized the employment of an additional confidential Sec- 
retary and as many writers as necessary. Washington's choice fell upon 
Colonel Richard Varick, before the war a lawyer in New Jersey ; then 
a Captain in McDougall's New York regiment, later Military Secre- 
tary to General Schuyler, and Aid to Arnold when the intentions of the 
traitor were discovered. Although Arnold, in a letter from " on board 
the Vulture Frigate," acquitted Varick and Colonel Franks, his other 
Aid, Qf all participation in and knowledge of his nefarious plans, they 
called for a Court of Inquiry. The Court decided that " their conduct 
had been unimpeachable," and that nobody doubted their fidelity and 
patriotism. To him Washington confided the task of arranging his 
papers according to a plan furnished by the General himself, and during 
two years and a half Colonel Varick, with three or four assistants, was 
engaged in this not less laborious than confidential and important 

Although this is intended only as a sketch of " Washington's Military 
Family," — that is, of his Aids and Secretaries — I may be allowed to 
stretch the meaning of Military Family just far enough to include the 
pames of the persons who attended to the creature comforts of the Gen- 
eral and his family and guarded them against danger in camp and on 
marches. Of the latter, I have already named Lieutenants Gibbs (who 
rose to the rank of Major), Lewis and Livingston ; two other officers 
of the General's guard were Major Tallmadge (mentioned in the Febru- 
ary Number, 1881, as one of the Aids), and Lieut. Colfax. Of these 
Tallmadge is conspicuous as having Washington's perfect conn- 


dence. He managed his secret correspondence with persons in New 
York City within the lines, was sent on special expeditions where dash 
and prudence were required, and showed his soldierly character and 
judgment by his interference with his superior officer, Jameson, without 
which Arnold's pass to Andre might have been respected, and the plot to 
deliver up West Point have been successful. Gibbs acted from June, 
'76, and later Colfax, as caterer for the General's household, after his 
steward, Ebenezer Austin, had left him, and his own and the efforts of 
his Aids to engage another had proved fruitless. Under the caterer, at 
first a Mrs. Smith, and from March, 1777, a Mrs. Thompson, were house- 
keepers. Mrs. Thompson was the wife of a famous New York inn- 
keeper, John Thompson, known before the Revolution as " Scotch 
Johnny." He kept a house — half tavern and half oyster house — at the 
Whitehall, which was the favorite resort of the St. Andrews Society. 
Nor should mention be omitted of Bazaleel Howe, of the Virginia line, 
who served as an auxiliary lieutenant on Washington's personal 
guard, in the last year of the war, and according to a certificate from 
the General, printed in the Magazine [IV, 157], commanded the 
escort which carried his baggage and papers to Mount Vernon at its 

Washington, in 1783, signified his desire to return into the hands of 
Congress the commission given him over eight years before. The Con- 
gress was then sitting at Annapolis, the capital of the State of Maryland. 
The order of Congress regulating the ceremony prescribed that after 
the arrival of the General had been announced to the Secretary, this 
officer should introduce the General, " attended by his Aids," into the 
hall of Congress, and conduct him to a chair, where he was to sit with 
an Aid on each side. There was neither military nor civic display ; 
about twenty members were gathered ; an audience, mostly ladies, sat 
around Mrs. Washington in the gallery, when, as arranged, the 
Commander-in-chief entered the hall with the remnant of his staff, 
Tench Tilghman and David Humphreys, William S. Smith, Benj. 
Walker, and perhaps, also, Henry Baylies. Tilghman and Hum- 
phreys took their places on each side of his chair, and the words 
of the simple, dignified address, in which he surrendered his supreme 
command, were spoken by their Chief. Then came the leave-taking, 
harder even than the parting in New York a few weeks before, 
after which Washington, accompanied only by the faithful Humphreys 
and his own servants, turned his horse's head towards Mount 



"Ye brave Co'umbian bands ! a long farewell. 
Well have ye fought for freedom — nobly done 
Your martial task — the meed immortal won, 
And time's last records shall your triumphs tell. 

" Once friendship made their cup of suffering sweet — 
The dregs how bitter, now those bonds must part ! 
Ah ! never, nevermore on earth to meet ; 
Distill'd from gall that inundates the heart, 
What tears from heroes' eyes are seen to start ! 

" Ye, too, farewell, who fell in fields of gore, 

And chang'd tempestuous toil for rest serene ; 

Soon shall we join you on the peaceful shore, 
(Though gulfs irremeable roll between,) 
Thither by death-tides borne, as ye full soon have been. 



James McHenry, Military Secretary to Washington 

The impression now presented is from the original copper plate 
etched by St. Memin in 1803, and in the possession of J. Howard 
McHenry, of Baltimore, grandson of the Secretary. It appears as No. 
336 of Dexter's photographic reproductions. Dr. McHenry, the son of 
Daniel and Agnes McHenry, was born at Ballymena, County Antrim, 
Ireland, November 16, 1753. After receiving a classical education in 
Dublin, he came to Baltimore about 1771. He was a student of medi- 
cine in the office of Dr. Benjamin Rush, at Philadelphia, when the revo- 
lution broke out, joined the army as an assistant surgeon, and in the begin- 
ning of the year 1776, was attached to the army hospital at Cambridge. 
Appointed Surgeon of the Fifth Pennsylvania Battalion, commanded by 
Colonel Magaw, he shared the fate of the garrison at the fall of Fort 
Washington, November 16, 1776. He was paroled the 27th January, 
1777, but was not exchanged until the 5th March, 1778. On the 15th 
May following, he was appointed Secretary to Washington, and 
remained in his military family until August, 1780, when he was trans- 
ferred to the staff of Lafayette. He was with Lafayette during the 
brilliant Virginia campaign against Cornwallis in 1781, and was present 
at the surrender of Yorktown. After the war Dr. McHenry was a dele- 
gate from Maryland to the Continental Congress, 1 783-1 786, a member 
of the Federal Constitution Convention in 1787, and was appointed 
Secretary of War by Washington on the transfer of Timothy Picker- 
ing to the State Department in 1796. Dr. McHenry held the port- 
folio of Secretary of War till May, 1800, when, in consequence of a 
difference of views with President Adams on the French question, 
he resigned. He died at Baltimore on the 3d May, 1816, at his 
residence " Fayetteville," named after his beloved friend and military 


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The original draft of this interesting document was found among the 
papers of James McHenry, an officer of the Revolution, and at the time 
a delegate from Maryland, of which State he was a native, to the Con- 
tinental Congress, in which he served from 1783 to 1786. He was also 
a member of the Federal Constitutional Commission in 1787, and held 
the post of Secretary at War from 1790 to 1800 in the administration of 
John Adams. Mr. McHenry was a member of the committee appointed 
by Congress to make arrangements for the ceremony of resignation. In 
view of the fact that McHenry had been one of the Secretaries of Wash- 
ington during a part of the war, and that this draft was found among 
his papers, the presumption is permissible that the General intrusted it 
to him for perusal and perhaps for comment. 

The address, as delivered, bears the date of Annapolis, December 23, 
1783. A comparison of the original draft with the text, as printed by 
Spark's (Washington's Writings, VIII., 504), shows an entire conformity 
with the amended draft now presented. The ceremony took place at 
Annapolis, where Congress was then in session. The Committee con- 
sisted of Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Gerry, and Mr. McHenry. In conformity 
with their report, the Congress resolved on the 226. December that the 
public audience of General Washington, as the ceremony is styled, 
should be conducted as follows : 

1. The President and members are to be seated and covered, and the Secretary to be standing 
by the side of the President. 

2. The arrival of the General is to be announced by the messengers to the Secretary, who is 
thereupon to introduce the General, attended by his aids, into the Hall of Congress. 

3. The General, being conducted to a chair by the Secretary, is to be seated, with an aid on 
each side standing, and the Secretary is to resume his place. • 

4. After a proper time for the arrangement of spectators, silence is to be ordered by the Secre- 
tary if necessary, and the President is to address the General in the following words : " Sir ; the 
United States in Congress assembled are prepared to receive your communications." Whereupon 
the General is to arise and address Congress ; after which he is to deliver his commission and a 
copy of his address to the President. 

5. The General having resumed his place, the President is to deliver the answer of Congress, 
which the General is to receive standing. 

6. The President having finished, the Secretary is to deliver the General a copy of the answer, 
and the General is then to take his leave. When the General rises to make his address, and also 
when he retires, he is to bow to Congress, which they are to return by uncovering, without bowing. 



The proceedings were conducted in the most stately manner. Gen- 
eral Washington was introduced to Congress and pronounced his 
address. He then advanced and delivered to the President his com- 
mission and a copy of his address, and, having resumed his place, the 
President returned the following answer : 

Sir, The United States., in Congress assembled, receive with emotion too affecting for utterance, 
the solemn resignation of the authorities, under which you have led their troops with success 
through a perilous and doubtful war. Called upon by your country to defend its invaded rights, 
you accepted the sacred charge, before it had formed alliances, and whilst it was without funds or a 
government" to support you. You have conducted the great military contest with wisdom and forti- 
tude, invariably regarding the rights of the civil power through all disasters and changes. You 
have, by the love and confidence of your fellow citizens, enabled them to display their martial 
genius and transmit their fame to posterity. You have persevered till these United States, aided by 
a magnanimous King and nation, have been enabled under a just Providence to close the war in 
freedom, safety and independence ; in which happy event we sincerely join you in congratulations. 

Having defended the standard of liberty in this new world, having taught a lesson useful to 
chose who inflict, and to those who feel oppression,, you retire from the great theatre of action 
with the blessings of your fellow citizens ; but the glory of your virtues will not terminate with your 
military command J it will continue to animate remotest ages. 

We feel with you our obligations to the army in general, and will particularly charge ourselves 
with the interests of those confidential officers who have attended your 'person in this affecting 

We join you in commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty 
God, beseeching him to dispose the hearts and minds of its citizens to improve the opportunity 
afforded them of becoming a happy and respectable nation. And for you we address to him our 
earnest prayers, that a life so beloved may be fostered with all his care, that your days may be 
happy as they have been illustrious, and that he will finally give you that reward which this world 
cannot give. 

General Thomas Mifflin, the eleventh President of the Congress, who 
had been elected to the post on the 3d November preceding, had the 
honor of presiding on this memorable occasion. By one of the caprices 
with which history abounds, it fell to Mifflin, who had been a leader in 
the party who sought to remove Washington, now to be the mouth- 
piece of the gratitude of the nation. 

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The curious and interesting portrait of which an engraving is now 
presented, is the property of Col. Benj. S. Ewell, LL. D., the present 
President of William and Mary College. It bears an inscription giving 
its history, as follows : 

" This sketch of General Washington was made about 1790, at his 
dinner table by one of his guests, and presented to the late Frank 
Lowndes, of Georgetown, D. C, by Colonel Morris, of Revolutionary 
memory, also a guest, and present when the picture was taken. It was 
carefully preserved by Mr. Frank Lowndes, and after his death by his 
son, the late Francis Lowndes, of Georgetown, D. C, who recently died 
at an advanced age, as a memorial of such an occasion, and because of 
the estimate in which it was held by General Washington's contempo- 
raries as an accurate and faithful likeness." 

From subsequent information it is reasonable to suppose that this 
portrait was made by Benjamin H. Latrobe, the distinguished architect 
of the United States Capitol, which gives it additional interest. It 
was given to its present owner by his sister, who received it from 
Mr. Francis Lowndes, their uncle. From the time of the drawing of 
this sketch up to a few years since, it was seen by but few people, so 
greatly was it prized by its several owners. With Col. Ewell's permis- 
sion, it was photographed for the Massachusetts Historical Society, and 
a few friends. From one of these photographs the engraving has been 
made for the pages of this Magazine. 




After Monday's battle, as the fight at Harlem Plains on the 16th of 
September, 1776, was called by the American officers, in subsequent 
correspondence — "this scrape," as it is termed by Sir Henry Clinton — 
there was a pause in active operations, and for a time no outbreak of the 
" ungovernable impetuosity" of the British light troops occurred. The 
Americans were busy strengthening their works on Harlem Heights 
above the Hollow-way, and in completing Fort Washington, which was 
fated two months later to pass into the hands of the British, after a 
brave, brief but useless defense against their whole army. The judg- 
ment of Washington was adverse to holding this position, but he allowed 
himself to be overruled by Genl. Greene, who was confident that it was 
tenable, or that in the last emergency the garrison and stores might be 
brought off. The result justified Washington and mortified Greene; 
both garrison and stores were lost to the patriots, from the time 
Knyphausen, with his Hessians, took possession of Fordham Heights, 
on the 2d of November. These events have already been narrated in 
this Magazine [I., 65]. General Howe did not care to attempt a direct 
assault upon the American lines above Harlem, and for a time the 
two armies watched each other from their several outposts ; the 
Americans, from the Point of Rocks looking southward over the plains, 
where the ungathered harvest of the husbandman stood withering in the 
heat and chill night dews of burning September, a sore temptation to 
foraging parties, until October, when the Americans, under a strong 
guard, secured it all. From their outpost at the Black Horse Tavern, 
near the McGowan House, known to New Yorkers of this day as the 
convent of the Sacred Heart, in the Central Park, destroyed by fire in 
the winter of 1880, the British advance guard scanned the plains to the 
northward, their left resting on the Hudson at the Jones House, their 
right at Horens Hook, with headquarters at the Beekman House, 54th 
street and First avenue ; the city devastated by the fire of the 21st, and 
described by an eye witness as a " most dirty, desolate and wretched 
place," in their hands; all the islands occupied by their troops; both 
rivers commanded by the guns of their fleet, and patroled by their armed 
boats. These rather small results were so far the measure of success 


achieved by the greatest armament which had ever been seen on the 
American coast. Washington held the lines of interior communication ; 
with the rich, populous and patriotic Eastern States; the whole of the 
Hudson river, with its rocky gateways in the Highlands, which con- 
trolled the approaches to New Jersey and the southern colonies. His 
outposts, pickets and patrols, watched and guarded every headland, point 
or inlet, along the sound to the eastward, while, from his lofty eyrie at the 
Morris House, he himself could scrutinize the movements of the fleet in 
the East River, toward his rear ; and his military foresight warned him 
that, by this course, he might look for Howe's next movement, and 
with that patience which, in this early portion of his career, gave seem- 
ing color to whispered insinuations (the offspring of envy and malice) 
that he lacked in energy and enterprise, so persistently dinned into 
the ears of Congressmen, and so eagerly written up by a cabal in the 
interest of General Charles Lee, who proved later his desire and capacity 
to anticipate the treachery of Arnold. Howe was too skillful an officer 
to unmask his plans prematurely, knowing that his preparations on the 
East River were made almost in full view of the Americans. He, by 
way of diverting their attention from his true objective, on the morning 
of the 9th of October dispatched two forty-four gun ships, the Roebuck 
and Phoenix, with one frigate and their tenders, up the Hudson. These 
passed unharmed by the fire of Forts Washington and Constitution 
(Fort Lee), broke through the American chevaux de frieze, drove before 
them the ships and row galleys, which were all beached, burned, or 
captured, and then obtained command of the river. This movement 
caused alarm in Congress for the safety of Philadelphia, and Lee, 
who was held in high esteem and favor, urged that a portion of 
Washington's army should be detached to Trenton and put under his 
command. On the nth of October great activity was observed within 
the British line, and early on the 12th nearly one hundred large boats 
full of Hessian troops left Montresor's (Randall's) Island, and passed up 
the sound to Frogs Neck, where they disembarked and attempted an 
advance inland. Frogs or Throgs Neck is at low water a peninsula, and 
at high water an island, joined to the mainland by a causeway. The 
Americans under Col. Hand tore up the planks of the bridge over the 
creek at Westchester Mills, and being reinforced, made so stout a resis- 
tance that the Hessians, under Knyphausen, fell back over the causeway, 
at the end of which they threw up earth works, and camped. 

That Washington had rightly divined Howe's next probable move- 
ment was manifest, when, on the afternoon of the 13th, a large fleet 


of forty or more sail anchored off Frogs Point. During the pre- 
ceding month he had passed much of the time in the saddle; had visited 
repeatedly all the outposts along the sound, and had thoroughly explored 
the entire ridge oi hills to the west of the Bronx River, between Kings 
Bridge and White Plains, to North Castle, Croton, Peekskill and Kings 
Ferry, and had also crossed the river and visited the posts of General 
Greene in New Jersey. Along the ridge first mentioned he had laid out 
the sites for entrenched camps to be occupied by his troops when Howe 
should make a movement necessary. By general order of October 14th, 
Col. Bailey's regiment was ordered to join General Clinton's brigade, 
then under command of Col. Glover of the famous Marblehead regi- 
ment, who was posted in the vicinity of New Rochelle, each to take 
their tents and cooking utensils and lose no time ; Col. Lippett's regi- 
ment to join McDougall's brigade already in Westchester, and the two 
Connecticut regiments, under the command of Col. Storms and Major 
Greaves, to be ready to march into Westchester at a moment's notice. 
All his dispositions and movements were calculated with regard to those 
of How>e, which were not yet fully developed, his control of the water 
enabling him to change his apparent direction at any moment, and divert 
the attack to the Jersey and southern line. 

The movement of the British up the East River continued, and from 
appearances it seemed that they had resolved to force their way inland 
from Frogs Point, but their demonstration in this direction proved 
a mere feint to cover their real intention. They embarked from the 
further side of the point, landed at Pell's Point, a few miles above, 
and advanced rapidly to Eastchester, within two miles of New Rochelle, 
being opposed on their march by Col. Glover's command in a sharp 
but brief action, in which the Americans, after behaving with a coolness 
and spirit which enlisted the praise of Washington in general orders, 
were compelled to give way before superior numbers. 

On the 1 6th of October a council of war was held at the head- 
quarters of General Lee, who was in command of the troops north of 
Kings Bridge. It included the General-in-Chief, Major Generals Lee, 
Spencer, Heath, and Sullivan, and Brigadier Generals Lord Stir- 
ling, Mifflin, McDougall, Parsons, Nixon, Wadsworth, Scott, Fellows, 
Clinton, and Lincoln. The question was stated in the following manner: 
" Whether (it having appeared that the obstructions in the North 
River have proved wholly insufficient, and the enemy's force is now in 
our rear at Frogs point) it is now deemed possible in our situation to 
prevent the enemy cutting off the communications with the country 


and compelling us to fight them at all disadvantages, or surrender pris- 
oners at discretion?" Truly a momentous question and a perilous 
position. Every officer except George Clinton agreed that the position 
was untenable, and he afterward was "vehement" in support of the 
decision of the council. Congress had constantly urged upon Wash- 
ington the importance of holding New York, but political advantages 
yielded to military exigencies. As we have seen, Howe was encamped 
on the 1 8th, with his left on Hutchinson's River, near Eastchester, and his 
right near New Rochelle, a position well in the rear of the American 
left. Heath, in his diary, expresses surprise that he did not at once 
extend his line to the Hudson ; a movement which would have 
enveloped Washington's entire command, cut it off from its base of 
supplies, forced it to a precipitate retreat across the Hudson, under the 
fire of the British fleet, or possibly have subjected it to the fate that 
subsequently overtook the garrison of Fort Washington. It must have 
been either captured en masse or disbanded. Washington's precaution 
and diligence were now apparent in the celerity and precision of the 
American advance along the line of hills west of the Bronx. On the 21st 
Howe resumed his leisurely march toward the White Plains, now the 
objective point of both armies, passed through New Rochelle to a point 
on the hills, about two miles to the north-westward, traversing the road 
familiar to the traveler of to-day, on which is erected the monument 
to the memory of Thomas Paine, whose eminent political services are 
forgotten in the obloquy consequent on his religious opinions. At New 
Rochelle he made his headquarters at the Pugsley house, still standing 
on the north side of the road, leaving De Heister with his Hessians to 
guard the camp below. Here, with characteristic procrastination, he 
rested for three days, awaiting the arrival of two regiments of light 
dragoons. It is noticeable that the horses for the dragoons were 
imported from England, a fact which marks a difference of habit 
between the people of the eastern and southern Colonies. Later 
in the war most of the expeditions of the trooper Tarleton were made 
for the purpose of procuring mounts for his cavalry in that region. 

The Pugsley house is of the old type, now rarely seen save in West- 
chester county or on the eastern end of Long Island. A green glass 
bull's-eye, let in over the upper half panel of the front door, and small 
and narrow window panes, with diamond-shaped glass set in lead — 
which the curious may still see — are among its peculiarities. The 
summer of 1776 had been one of intense heat, prolonged into the late 
fall ; the fields lay brown and parched under the autumn sun, which 


burned with an intensity peculiar to this latitude ; the wells, of primi- 
tive type, with moss-grown sides, whose cooling waters were drawn to 
the surface by the simple device of sweep and bucket, were almost 
dry. The thousands of British troops quartered in this vicinity soon 
exhausted the supply, and both water and forage vanished as before 
fire. The British moved ; after the British came the Hessians. During 
the temporary occupation oi New Rochelle and its vicinity by these 
bodies of regular troops, many of the inhabitants, not daring to 
remain in their houses at night, sought shelter in the neighboring 
woods. It is to the credit of the British that, beyond such hardship as 
is the inevitable consequence and accompaniment of hostile occupation, 
no wanton injury was done. At this period their commanders displayed 
none of the brutality which characterized the later campaigns. They 
drank the wells dry and ate the mutton. When both were gone, they 
moved on. 

About half way between New Rochelle and the old Quaker meeting- 
house, which still stands, surrounded by the grove of oak trees, which 
sheltered the ancestors of those non-resistant heroes, whose sacrifices in 
the cause of independence are none the less meritorious because their 
principles forbade them to take part in active strife, might have been 
seen the old Burling homestead, which was destroyed in the year 1868, 
to make room for a modern mansion. It was told by an old man, who, 
when a boy, was a member of this household, that he remembered well 
the march of the Hessians. It was night when they passed ; the family, 
gathered in the house, sat with closed doors and shutters, the fires were 
extinguished, no lights burned, and in silence, darkness and dread, they 
awaited the coming of the foreigners, whose ferocity and cruelties at 
the battle of Long Island, magnified by rumors, made them objects of 
special terror to the simple country folk. Their advent was heralded, 
not by " sonorous metal blowing martial sounds," but by an odorous 
and pungent cloud of tobacco smoke, which, borne by the wind, pre- 
ceded and hung over the advancing column, as the patient Germans 
trudged by, each man with the stem of the long pipe peculiar to the 
fatherland held firm in his teeth. The house stood close to the road- 
side, and its inmates listened with bated breath to the passing by of this 
body of men, whom they dared not look upon save furtively through 
the crescent-shaped opening in the shutters, and of whose presence 
they were informed more by hearing than by sight as they swung in 
open order at route step, the officers riding in the middle of the column, 
through the shadows of Burling's lane. The clank of steel, the jingle 



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of spur and clink of sabre against stirrup ; the occasional word of com- 
mand in an unknown guttural tongue, and the " slump, slump " of many 
footsteps on the heavy road, mired with the passage of previous thou- 
sands and sodden with autumn rain, were what these silent listeners 
heard for hours, in constant fear of violence ; but, beyond frequent 
demands for water or milk, the family were not molested. The next 
morning the cattle were in the farm-yard, the poultry strutted and 
cackled, the hayracks were intact. 

After the Hessians came De Lancy's horse, who spared nothing. 
They surrounded the dwelling, and when the venerable house-father 
begged them to spare his last cow, the answer was a shot, which 
stretched the old man lifeless on the threshold which British and 
Hessians had spared from violence or pillage. By such exploits they 
earned the epithet of Cow Boys. From this point, through a rich and 
cultivated country, the British pursued their march to the White Plains, 
where they Avere confronted by Washington. Howe for two days 
awaited the arrival of Earl Percy, whom he had left in charge of New 
York, and thus gave time for the Americans to complete their disposi- 

On the same day Washington issued his last general orders from the 
Morris House, in which he commended the gallantry of Glover's 
brigade in opposing the British advance from Pell's Creek, and trans- 
ferred his headquarters to Valentine's Hill, a fortified position on Ford- 
ham Heights. At four o'clock Heath broke up his camp, and by a 
forced march arrived at four o'clock on the morning of the 22d at Chat- 
terton's Hill, a commanding eminence about a mile southeast of White 
Plains and west of the Bronx River, which runs along its eastern slope. 
The same day he moved his division to the strong ground north of the 
village. Sullivan, arriving next, took position on Heath's right. The 
line ran nearly northeast to southwest; Chatterton's Hill was occupied 
by a strong force ; earth-works were thrown up across the road com- 
manding the approach to the camp, and cannon were so disposed as to 
sweep the plain with their fire. The whole American army was in posi- 
tion awaiting attack on the 23d. Washington had out-manceuvered, 
out-marched, and out-generaled Howe, whose advance had been 
retarded by successful skirmishes, in one of which Haslet, with his 
Delaware troops, surprised and captured a picket of Rogers' rangers on 
the 2 1 st, and the same day Col. Hand worsted a body of Hessian Jagers. 

On the 23d Washington established his headquarters at Miller's 
House. White Plains. This house stands on the east side of the old road 


at the foot of a lofty hill ; the ground about it is now cleared and culti- 
vated, but at that time was surrounded by dense woods. It is a frame 
building clapboarded, with the roof on the southeast front projecting in 
such sort as to form a portico ; the attic rooms are of the usual uninhabi- 
table, rural kind, and the lower floor is divided by a hall from front to 
rear, with rooms opening on either side, and a kitchen annex. During 
the past century it has been occupied by only two families, and until 
within the last ten years, furniture used by Washington in 1776 was 
preserved and shown with just pride to visitors. In itself there is 
nothing to distinguish the house from others in the county ; only the 
fact of its temporary occupancy by Washington singles it out as his- 

Howe was apparently in the dark as to Washington's movements ; 
but when on the 28th he realized the fact that the whole American army 
was before him, he threw off the habitual sluggishness that was his bane 
as a commander, and prepared to attack with that vigor and energy 
which made him, when aroused to action, an adversary who called forth 
the best military resources of his opponent. 

Washington had chosen the position at White Plains with a view 
rather to invite attack, and in full confidence that if worsted in the 
encounter, he had in his rear a position upon which he could fall back, 
and where a final stand could be made with every advantage of ground 
in his favor, and which fully protected the roads from the east to the 
Highlands and the Hudson River. His numbers were almost equal to 
those of the enemy, and his desire was not to discourage his men by 
constant retreat without a show of resistance. The results fully justified 
his caution and his purpose. 

Military critics are of opinion that had Howe concentrated his efforts 
in a determined assault on the American centre it must have had a suc- 
cessful result, and would have cut off the force on Chatterton's Hill. 
Howe ordered Leslie with a division, four thousand strong, to dis- 
lodge the Americans from that position. His main body, as well as 
that of Washington, looked on as spectators. The British forded the 
Bronx. Artillery on either side was useless, by reason of the steep 
acclivity ; the British guns could not be sufficiently elevated, nor the 
American depressed, for the delivery of an effective fire. Col. Rahl, 
the same who was mortally wounded and captured at Trenton in the 
month of December following, turned the left of the hill and the American 
right flank, with the Hessians, and gained its summit, while Donop pressed 
up the front. The Americans fell back, contesting the advance of the enemy 


stubbornly, and joined their main body. Captain Alexander Hamilton 
brought off his guns safely. The battle was over. 

The battle of the White Plains was fought on Chatterton's Hill, and in 
its character and results bears a striking resemblance to the fight at 
Harlem Plains in the previous month. It was an engagement between 
detached portions of the two armies ; in neither case were the main 
bodies of either brought into action, and in each the prestige was 
claimed by both, while the substantial fruits lay with the Americans, who 
at the worst had only lost an outpost, which did not imperil the integrity 
of their line. For two days the hostile armies confronted each other ; 
Howe waiting for reinforcements before resuming the offensive. On the 
20th Washington retired on North Castle. Howe entrenched his camp, 
and thus each army awaited the movements of the other. On the 2d of 
November the American sentinels heard all night the rumble of wagons 
and artillery to the southeast, and expected an attack from that direc- 
tion. The baffled British had changed their plans ; on the 5th they were 
in full march for Dobbs Ferry, on the Hudson River, and New York. 
The capture of Fort Washington followed, and later operations in the 
year 1776 were transferred to New Jersey. 

The town of White Plains was originally a portion of Rye, and 
derived its name from the White Balsam tree (Gnaphalium Polycephalum 
of Linnaeus) which grows in great abundance in the vicinity, and was 
formerly called Quarropas by the Indians. It is twenty-eight miles 
northerly of the City Hall in New York, six miles east of the Hudson, 
and about the same distance from the Sound ; the area of the town is 
about eight and one half square miles. The first grant from the Indians 
bears date on the 22d of November, 1683 ; on the 12th of April, 1694, the 
marks of the original purchase were renewed, and in the year 17 19 the 
town was apportioned among the proprietors by order of a town meet- 
ing. In 1 72 1, William Burnet, Governor of New York, set out in order 
for patent to Samuel Hunt 260 acres, after 5 acres deducted for every 
hundred acres of highway. Also to Daniel Brundage 195 acres at an 
annual rental of 20s. 6d., to be paid on the festival of the Annunciation. 
In the same year King George the Second issued royal letters patent to 
Joseph Berdel, John Holt and others, of a large tract known as the White 
Plains, containing four thousand five hundred and thirty-five acres of 
land, reserving therefrom land necessary for highways and all trees of 
the diameter of 24 inches at 12 inches above ground, for masts for the 
royal navy, and all such other trees as may be fit to make planks, knees 
and other things necessary for the use of said navy, and prescribing the 


penalty of forfeiture for any burning of the royal timber so reserved as 
aforesaid. Many of the descendants of the original proprietors and 
patentees still reside there. The village in 1776 stood chiefly on the 
highway about three-quarters of a mile to the east of the present 
railway ; the business portion of the town now centres about the railway 
station and on Broadway, a street which crosses it at right angles and 
along the upper end of which are situate the new court house and jail, 
and the costly and elegant churches which have been erected in place of 
the primitive structures where the fathers worshipped. The court house 
erected upon the site of that burned by the Americans in 1776 is still 
standing, but is no longer used for that purpose. 

In August, 1774, the committees of the several towns of Westchester 
met at White Plains to elect deputies to the Continental Congress, 
which was to meet at Philadelphia in September of that year. In April, 
1775, a general meeting of the county was called for the 1 ith of that month 
at the White Plains, which was largely attended at the court house,, 
and delegates were chosen to represent the colony at Philadelphia in the 
following May. Lewis Morris was chairman of this convention, whose 
proceedings were not entirely harmonious, inasmuch as a strong delega- 
tion of Tories led by Frederick Philipse and Isaac Wilkins came thither 
for the purpose of entering protest against such " illegal and unconsti- 
tutional proceedings." Having protested, they departed, and had their 
protest published in Rivington's Gazette ; the list of protestants, 312m 
number, contained the names of 170 persons who had no right to vote. 
Colonel Lewis Morris, in a vigorous answer, addressed "to the publick" 
gave the names of those signers of a document as little distinguished 
by decency as by truth, foremost among whom was that of that arch 
disturber of the public peace, Samuel Seabury, who was fitly enough in 
later time the first Episcopal Bishop, and Luke Babcock, chaplain to Mr. 
Philipse, neither of whom prefixed their names with the title of reverend,, 
though no stiffer stickler for clerical titles and pretensions than the mission- 
ary Seabury ever beat the drum ecclesiastic. Some of the names were 
put down without their proper owners' knowledge or consent, after the 
fashion of a call for a meeting of to-day, and some repented them and 
retracted publicly. 

In May, 1775, at the White Plains, delegates were elected to the pro- 
vincial Congress of New York, which body in June, 1776, adjourned from 
that place to the court house at the White Plains, Avhither all the public 
papers and money were transferred by resolution to that effect, there to 
meet on the 8th day of July. It was also ordered that all powder, lead. 


and other military stores belonging to the State, be forthwith removed 
to that place. There on the 9th day of July, 1776, the Declaration of 
Independence was received by the Provincial Congress, there it was 
read in front of the court house, and there they solemnly in convention 
promised, at the risk of their lives and fortunes, to join with the other 
colonies in supporting it. The building thus honored was burned on 
the night of the 5th of November following by a New England Major, 
one Osborne, without orders. Washington in general orders signified 
his utmost " astonishment and horror at this action of base and cowardly 
wretches," and in December of that year it was by the committee of safety 
resolved " that the laws of the country are not superseded by the military 
code in the presence of the army," and it caused General Washington 
to be requested by letter to deliver up the officer who ordered the des- 
truction to the committee or convention of the State, to be tried by the 
laws of the State, and if found guilty punished. As no mention is made 
of any such trial, it is safe to assume that the " cowardly wretch" escaped 
the consequences of his ill-judged zeal. In the inclosure of the Presby- 
terian burying-ground, where stood, prior to the year 175 1, a church, lie 
the remains of the Rev. John Smith, D.D., brother of the Hon. William 
Smith, who was, for many years prior to his death in 1776, pastor of the 
Presbyterian churches of Rye and the White Plains. The place is marked 
by a plain stone, upon which is a brief inscription setting forth his birth, 
his labors, his death, and his hopes of victory over death and the grave. 
The life of his more distinguished brother was one of vicissitude, and 
has lately been told in these pages. 

When Washington took post at the White Plains the entrenchments 
were erected under the direction of a French engineer, and con- 
sisted of a square fort of sods in the main street, with breastworks on 
each side running westerly over the south side of Purdy's Hill to the 
Bronx, and easterly across the hills to Horton's Pond. They were not 
completed on the 28th of October, but were made so strong by the 30th 
that Howe, who had a keen recollection of Bunker Hill, was not moved 
to attack them. Washington's policy, as he wrote, was " to fight with the 
spade and mattock." Little trace of the breastworks now remains, but 
the name and fame of Purdy's Hill is perpetuated in the world-renowned 
product known by connoisseurs as Purdy's cider. 

There is no record of Washington ever having revisited his head- 
quarters at the White Plains, the position of which presented small 
attractions as a residence ; but the allied armies occupied the neighbor- 
hood in the spring and summer of 1 78 1. During the famous reconnois- 



sance which has been related in detail in the pages of this magazine 
[IV., i], the Duke de Lauzun, with his legion, occupied Chatterton's 
Hill, and in the fall of 1782, when New York was again threatened by 
the allied forces to prevent any diversion of troops by Clinton to the attack 
of the French possessions in the West Indies, this entire region was 
picketed and patrolled from the Hudson to the Sound. After the battle 
of Monmouth, on the evacuation of New Jersey by the British army,. 
Washington crossed the Hudson, and the army headquarters were 
established at White Plains, where they were continued from July 21, 
1778, to September 15, 1778. 

The centennial anniversary of the battle of the White Plains was 
commemorated by a military and civic pageant, and the corner-stone of 
a monument was laid on the crest of Chatterton Hill. The foundation 
for the structure had risen to the height of about eight feet, when some 
miscreants, no doubt lineal descendants of the cow boys of the Revolu- 
tion, made a midnight raid upon the hill and plundered the corner-stone 
of the valuables and mementos deposited, as by immemorial usage r 
within, since which the desecrated pile has afforded a convenient quarry 
of cut stone to the thrifty farmers of this historic region. There is 
evidently room for an anti-vandal society for the protection of the 
monuments of the Empire State. On the premises of Mr. John Swin- 
burne there have been preserved by his personal care the remains of an 
American redoubt, on which he has mounted an old mortar found in the 





The little house at Brington, in Northamptonshire, which is supposed 
to have been occupied by the Washington family after the loss of their 
residence at Sulgrave, is situated in the hamlet of Little Brington, near 
the present entrance lodge on the west of Althorp Park, the seat of Earl 
Spencer. The Washingtons, as stated in the article on Sulgrave (V. 
1 1 3) were distantly related to the Lord Spencer of that day ; and a recent 
marriage alliance had still further strengthened the tie between them, so 
that it was natural in the days of adversity that they should accept the 
friendly offices of their noble relative. 

The house in question is a low building, with one story only above the 
ground floor, and is constructed of the ferruginous sandstone, common 
in that part of Northamptonshire, a material which, when new, is of a 
reddish-yellow color, but becomes gray under the action of the atmos- 
phere and from the overgrowth of a minute lichen. It is in scale and 
style not very superior to the villagers' cottages around it. But at the 
date of its erection these latter were built of what is still called " tear- 
ing," i. e., mud and clay mixed with sand and straw or rushes, and some- 
times protected with an outer coat of plaster. Over the door is a stone 
slab in the mouldings and with the following inscription in relief : " The 
Lord geveth, the Lord taketh away. Blessed be the name of the Lord. 
Constructa 1606," a touching and appropriate motto for those who had 
just undergone reverses, and were entering on a new phase of social 

How long the Washingtons remained at Brington, and indeed who were 
the members of the family that were resident there, Ave have no positive evi- 
dence to show. But in the year 1616 (before the marriage of his sister 
to George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, had raised the family to new 
distinction), Laurence Washington, the head of the Sulgrave line, died, 
and was buried in Brington church. His grave is by the side of the 
mortuary chapel, with its magnificent monuments, beneath which lie 
interred thirteen generations of the noble house of Spencer, including 
the four first Earls of Sunderland. The church of Brington is a stately 
building, full of points of interest. It was the church, among other 
notable rectors, of Chichele, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury, of 


Lay ton. Dean of York, and commissioner under Henry VIII. for the 
dissolution ot the monasteries, and of Heneage. the working architect of 
Henry VIII's chapel at "Westminster. The ancient open seats in the 
nave date from before the wars of the Roses, being marked with the 
arms of the families who successively possessed the Manor down to the 
time when it came into the possession of Sir John GreA', of Groby, the 
hrst husband of Edward IV's unhappy Queen. At its altar-rails King 
Charles L, when detained at Holmbv. some three miles distant, is said 
to haye knelt to receive the sacrament : and a long series of historical 
reminiscences group around the tombs of the Spencers. But among all 
its points of interest none are greater, eyen in the eyes of Englishmen, 
than the two ledger slabs which coyer the remains of the brothers Lau- 
rence and Robert Washington, and which bear i one on a plate of brass 
and the other caryed upon the stone itself) the arms which are supposed 
to haye suggested the stars and stripes of the American banner. 

The singular interest which centered in Brington some twenty years 
ago as the early home of the emigrant brothers, sons of the Laurence 
just spoken of, has been materially diminished by the fact brought to 
light by Colonel Chester, of America, that the long-accepted theory of 
the emigrants was erroneous. Colonel Chester, whose great work 
on the Register of Westminster Abbey is a gift of permanent yalue to 
the English nation, and who, by his investigation of the genealogies of 
the middle and professional classes, has placed himself aboye all English 
rivals, has shown conclusively that the John and Laurence Washington 
who were supposed to be identical with the emigrants of those names, 
really died in England ; so that the first American Washingtons, if of 
this family, must have been sons of some other of the numerous brothers 
whose children have not yet been ascertained. Though in possession of 
many particulars which point to a solution of the question, he main- 
tains a resolute silence till he can speak the final word. But meanwhile 
we linger persistently amid the pleasant scenes in Northamptonshire, 
where the name of Washington first came into prominence, and where 
those who bore it seem not to have been unworthy of the honor of being 
forefathers of the illustrious President. 

North Creake Rectory, J. N. SIMPKINSON 

Fakenham, England, 

Epitaphs in Brington Church, Northampton. — Here lies the Body of Lavrence Wash- 
ington Sonne and Heire of Robert "Washington of Sovlgrave in the Countie of Northampton 
Esquire who Married Margaret the Eldest Daughter of William Butler of Tees in the Countie 



of Sussexe Esquire who had Issu by her 3. Sonns and 9. Daughters, which Lavrence Decessed 
the :3th of December A. Dni 1616. 

Here lies interred ye Bodies of Elizab. Washington Widdowe who Changed this life for 
imortaiitie ye 19th of March 1622, as also ye Body of Robert Washington Gent Her late Husband 
Second Son cf Robert Washington of Solgrave in Ye County North, Esqr who Depted this Life Ye 
ICth of March 1622. After they lived lovingly together Many Years in this Parish. J. N 

Note — The author of the above article is the Reverend John Nassau Simpkinson, late Rector 
of Brington. Northants, to whose interesting book " The Washingtons , a tale of a country parish 
in the 17th century/' reference was made in the August, 1879, number of the Magazine [V., 114]. 
To the present rector of Brington, the Reverend H, H. Stewart, obligations are due for securing 
a. view of the house, which is appended to this article. 






From the Original Manuscript in the Library of 
the Department of State at Washington 




August 1st — By this date all my Boats 
were ready — viz — one hundred new ones 
at Albany (constructed under the direc- 
tion of GenL Schuyler), and the like 
number at Wappings creek by the Qr. 
Mr. GenL ; besides old ones which have 
been repaired.— My heavy Ordnance & 
Stores from the Eastward had also come 
onto the North Rivr. — and everything 
would have been in perfect readiness to 
commense the operation against New 
York, if the States had furnished their 
quotas of Men agreeably to my requi 
sitions — but so far have they been from 
complying with these that of the first, 
not more than half the number asked 
of them have joined the army ; and of 
6200 of the latter pointedly, & contin- 
ously called for to be with the army by the 
15th of last month, only i76Jiad arrived 
from Connecticut, independant of abt. 
300 State Troops under the command 
of GenL Waterbury, which had been on 
the lines before we took the field, & 
two Companies of York levies (abt. 80 
Men) under similar circumstances. 

Thus circumstanced, and having little 
more than general assurances of getting 
the succours called for — and energetic 
Laws and resolves — or Laws and re- 
solves energetically executed, to depend 
upon — with little appearance of their 
fulfilment, I could scarce see a ground 
upon wch to continue my preparations 

against New York — especially as there 
was much reason to believe that part 
(at least) of the Troops in Virginia were 
recalled to reinforce New York and 
therefore I turned my views more 
seriously (than I had before done) to an 
operation to the Southward — and, in 
consequence, sent to make enquiry, in- 
directly, of the principal merchants to 
the Eastward what number and in what 
time, Transports could be provided to 
convey a force to the Southward, if it 
should be found necessary to change our 
plan — and similar application was made 
in a direct way to Mr. Morris (Financier) 
to discover what number cd be had by 
the 20th of this Month at Phi'adelphia 
— or in Chesapeak bay. — At the same 
time General Knox was requested to 
turn his thoughts to this business and 
make every necessary arrangement for it 
in his own mind — estimating the Ord- 
nance & stores which would be wanting 
& how many of them could be obtained 
without a transport of them from the 
North River. — Measures were also taken 
to deposit the Salt provisions in such 
places as to be water born[e] — more than 
these, while there remained a hope of 
Count de Grasse's bringing a land force 
with him, & that the States might yet 
put us in circumstances to prosecute 
the original plan could not be done 
without unfolding matters too plainly 
to the enemy & enabling them thereby 
to counteract our schemes.' — 

August 4th — Fresh representations of 
the defenceless state of the Northern 
frontier, for want of the militia so long 
called for, and expected from Massachu- 
settes bay ; accompanied by a strong 
expression of the fears of the People 



that they should be under the necessity 
of abandoning that part of the Country. 
&: an application that the second York 
regiment (Courtlandts) at least should 
be left for their protection induced me 
to send Major Genl. Lincoln (whose in- 
fluence in his own State was great) into 
the Counties of Berkshire & Hampshire 
to enquire into the causes of these de- 
lays &: to hasten on the militia. — I wrote 
at the same time to the Governor of this 
State consenting to suffer the 4 Compa- 
nies of Courtlandts Regiment (now at 
Albany) to remain in that Quarter till 
the Militia did come in, but observed that 
if the States instead of filling their Bat- 
talions & sending forth their Militia were 
to be calling upon and expecting me to 
dissipate the sml. operating force under 
my command for local defences that all 
offensive operations must be relinquished 
and we must content ourselves (in case 
of compliance) to spend an inactive and 
injurious campaign which might — at this 
critical moment — be ruinous to the 
common cause of America. 

August 6th — Reconnoitred the Roads 
& Country between the North River 
and the Brunx from the Camp to 
Phillips's and Valentines Hill and found 
the ground every where strong— The 
Hills 4 in Number running parallel to 
each other with deep ravines between 
them — occasioned by the Saw Mill 
river — the Sprain branch — and another 
more Easterly. These hills have very 
few interstices or Breaks in them, but 
are more prominent in some places than 
others — The Saw Mill River and the 
Sprain branch occasion an entire sepe- 
ration of the hills above Philips's from 
those below commonly called Valen- 

tine's hills. — A Strong position might be 
taken with the Saw Mill (by the Widow 
Babcocks) in Front & on the left flank. 
And the No. River on the right Flank. 
— And this position may be extended 
from the Saw Mill River over the Sprain 

A Letter from the Marqs. de la Fay- 
ette of the 26th Ulto. gives the follow- 
ing acct. — That the two Battalions of 
light Infantry — Queen's Rangers — the 
Guards — & one or two other Regiments 
had embarked at Portsmouth & fallen 
down to Hampton Rd in 49 Trans- 
ports. — That he supposed this body of 
Troops could not consist of less than 
2000 Men. — That Chesapeak bay & 
Potomack River were spoken of as the 
destination of this detachment — but he 
was of opinion that it was intended as a 
reinforcement to New York — Horses 
were laid for the speedy communication 
of Intelligence and an officer was to be 
sent with the acct. of the Fleet's Sail- 

August "jth — Urged Governor Greene 
of Rhode Island to keep up the number 
of Militia required of that State at 
Newport & to have such arrangements 
made of the rest as to give instant & 
effectual support to that Post, & the 
shipping in the harbour, in case any- 
thing should be enterprized against the 
latter upon the arrival of Rodney ; who, 
with the British fleet, is said to be ex- 
pected at New York, &, in conjunction 
with the Troops which are Embarked 
in Virginia & their own Marines are 
sufficient to create alarms. 

August St/i — The light Company of 
the 2d York Regiment (the first having 
been down some days) having joined 



the Army, were formed with two Com- 
panies of Yk. levies into a Battn. under 
the Command of Lieut. Colo. Hamilton 
& Major Fish & placed under the orders 
of Colo. Scammell as part of the light 
Troops of the Army. 

August gt/i — A Letter from Marqs. de 
la fayette of the 30th Ulto., reports, 
that the Embarkation in Hampton 
Road still remained there — that there 
were 30 ships full of Troops — Chiefly 
red coats in the fleet — That eight or ten 
other vessels (Brigs) had cavalry on 
Board. — That the winds had been ex- 
tremely favourable — Notwithstanding 
which they still lay at Anchor — & that 
the Charon & several other frigates 
(some said seven) were with them as an 
escort. The Troops which he now 
speaks of as composing the detach- 
ment are — the light Infantry — Queen's 
Rangers — and he thinks two British 
and two German Regiments — no men- 
tion of the Guards as in his former 

August 10th — Ordered the first York 
and Hazen's Regiments immediately to 
this place from West point. — The In- 
valids having got in both from Phila- 
delphia & Boston — and more Militia 
got in from Connecticut, as also some 
from Massachusetts bay — giving with 4 
Companies of Courtlandt's Regiment in 
addition to the detachment left there 
upon the march of the Army perfect 
security to the Posts. 

August nth — Robt. Morris Esqr. Su- 
perintendant of Finance & Richd. 
Peters Esq. a member of the Board of 
War, arrived at camp to fix with me the 
number of men necessary for the next 
campaign — and to make the consequent 

arrangements for their establishment 
and Support. 

A Fleet consisting of about 20 Sail, 
including 2 frigates & one or two prizes, 
arrived within the harbour of New 
York with German recruits — to the 
amount — by Rivington, of 2880 — but 
by other, & better information to abt. 
1500 sickly men. 

August 12th — By accounts this day 
received from the Marqs. de la Fayette, 
it appeared that the Transports in 
Hampton road had stood up the Bay & 
came too at the distance of 15 miles — 
and, in conseqe. he had commenced his 
march towards Fredericksburg. That 
he might more readily oppose his op- 
erations on Potomack or up Chesapeak 

August \\th — Received dispatches 
from the Count de Barras, announcing 
the intended departure of the Count de 
Grasse from Cape Francois with be- 
tween 25 & 29 Sail of the line & 3200 
land Troops on the 3d Instant for 
Chesapeake bay — and the anxiety of 
the latter to have everything in the most 
perfect readiness to commence our op- 
erations in the moment of his arrival as 
he should be under a necessity from 
particular engagements with the Span- 
iards to be in the West Indies by the 
middle of October — at the same time 
intimating his (Barras's) Intentions of 
enterprising something against New- 
foundland & against which both Genl. 
Rochambeau and myself remonstrated 
as impolitic & dangerous, under the 
probability of Rodney's coming upon 
this coast. 

Matters having now come to a crisis, 
and a decisive plan to be determined on 



— I was obliged, from the shortness of 
Count de Grasse's promised stay on this 
coast — the apparent disinclination in 
their naval officers to force the harbour 
of New York, and the feeble compli- 
ance of the States to my requisitions for 
men, hitherto, & little prospect of 
greater exertion in future, to give up all 
idea of attacking New York ; & instead 
thereof to remove the French Troops & a 
detachment from the American Army to 
the Head of Elk, to be transported to 
Virginia for the purpose of cooperating 
with the force from the West Indies 
against the Troops in that State. 

August i$t/i — Despatched a Courier 
to the Marquis de la Fayette with in- 
formation of this matter — requesting 
him to be in perfect readiness to second 
my views & to prevent if possible the 
retreat of Cornwallis towards Carolina — 
He was also directed to Halt the Troops 
under the command of General Wayne 
if they had not made any great progress 
in their March to join the Southern 

August 16th — Letters from the Marqs. 
de la Fayette & others, inform that Lord 
Cornwallis with the Troops from Hamp- 
ton Road, had proceeded up York River 
& landed at York and Gloucester Towns 
where they were throwing up works on 
the 6th inst. 

August igt/i — The want of Horses, or 
bad condition of them in the French 
Army delayed the March till this day — 
The same causes, it is to be feared, will 
occasion a slow and disagreeable March 
to Elk if fresh horses cannot be pro- 
cured & better management of them 

The detachment from the American 

is composed of the light Infantry under 
Scammell — two light companies of York 
to be joined by the like number from 
the Connecticut line — The remainder 
of the Jersey line — two Regiments of 
York — Hazen's Regiment & the Regi- 
ment of Rhode Island. — together with 
Lamb's regiment of Artillery with cannon 
and other ordnance for the field & 
siege. — 

Hazens regiment being thrown over 
at Dobbs's ferry was ordered with the 
Jersey Troops to march & take Post on 
the heights between Springfield & Chat- 
ham & cover a french Bakery at the 
latter place to veil our real movement 
and create apprehensions for Staten 
Island. — 

The quarter master Genl. was dis- 
patched to King's ferry — the only secure 
passage — to prepare for the speedy 
transportation of the Troops across the 
River. — 

Passed Sing Sing with the American 
column — The French column marched 
by the way of North castle Crompond 
& Pines bridge being near ten miles 

August 20th — The head of the Ameri- 
cans arrived at King's ferry about ten 
o'clock and immediately began to cross. 

August 21st — In the course of this 
day the whole of the American Troop, 
all their baggage, artillery & stores 
crossed the river — Nothing remained of 
ours but some waggons in the Commis- 
sary's & Qr. Mr. General's departmt., 
which were delayed, that no interrup- 
tion might be given to the passage of 
the French Army. 

During the passing of the French 
Army, I mounted 30 flat Boats — (able 


..: 40 men each) upon 
litges — as well with a design to deceive 
the eneir-\ MS bo our real movement, as 
to be u>. ne in Virginia when I 

g< : :here. — 

Some of the trench Artillery wch. 
^eded their Infantry got to the ferry 
and rossi .'. U also. 

Ai>^ . ::... . ;..'. :_;'. J- 2$f/i — Em- 
ed in transporting the French Army 
— i:> baggage & >tores over the river. 

The 25th — The American Tr. 
marched in two columns — Genl. Lin- 
coln with the light Infantry & first York 
R< ghnent pursuing the rout by Peramus 
. ^ringiield — While Colo. Lamb with 
his regiment of Artillery — The Parke — 
Stores — and Baggage of the army 
ered by the Rhode Island Regr. pro- 
fit led to Chatham by the way of Pomp- 
ton A; the tWQ Vr^ : . r ; - 

The Legion of Lauren — and the 
Regiments of Bourbonnc & Du} ; .:> 
with avy Parke of the French 

Army also marched for Percipony 
ens — Pompton & 

--'../.,-: ::;'. — T:u reraair.v.:;;: c: the 
French army, its baggage & sf 
moved from the ferry, and arrived at 
Snffrens — the ground the others had 

August 28/^ — The American columns 
and 1 st division French Army 

arrived at the places assigned them. 

Augus: zgt'n — The Second 

of French joined the nrst — the whole 

halted — as well for the purpose oi bring- 

| .:p our rear — as because we had 

: not of the arrival of Count de 

unwilling to discover our 

real object to the enemy. 

August 30M — As our intentions could 

be concealed one march more guilder 
the idea of Marching to Sandy hook to 
facilitate the entrance of the French 
fleet within the Bay, the whole Army 
was put in motion in three Columns — 
The left consisted of the light Infantry, 
first York Regiment, and the Regiment 
of Rhode Island. — The middle column 
asfe the Park, Stores & Baa- 

gage — Lamb's Regt. of Artillery — Ha- 
- S — & the corps of Sappers & Miners 
— the right column consisted of the 
whole French Army. Baggage Stores 
feca. — This last was to march by the rout 
of Morristown — Bullions Tavern — 
Somerset Ct. House & Princeton. 

The middl. was to go by Bound 
brooke to Somerset &ca.— and the left 
to proceed by the way of Brunswick to 
Trenton, to which place the whole were 
to march — Transports being ordered to 
meet them there. 

I set out myself for Philadelphia to 
arrange matters there — provide vessels — 
Csz hasten the transportation of the Ord- 
nance Stores, &ca. — directing before I 
set out. the Seed. York Regiment which 
had not all arrived from Albany before 
eft King's ferry) to follow with the 
boats — Intrenching Tools fce. the 
French rear to Trenton. 

Arrived at Philadelphia to dinner and 
immediately hastened up all the vessels, 
that could be procured — but finding 
them inadequate to the purpose of trans- 
oth Troops and Stores, Count 
de Rochambeau and myself concluded 
old be best to let the Troops march 
by land to the head of Elk. & 
direc: ^rdingly to all but the 2d 

York Regiment, which was ordered 
[with its baggage be ;ome down in the 



Batteaux they had in charge to Chris- 
tiana bridge. 


September $th — The rear of the 
French army having reached Philadel- 
phia, and the Americans having passed 
it, the stores having got up and every- 
thing in a tolerable train here; I left this 
city for the head of Elk to hasten the 
embarkation at that place, and on rny 
way — (at Chester) — received the agree- 
able news of the safe arrival of the Count 
de Grasse in the Bay of Chesapeake with 
28 sail of the line and four frigates, 
with 3,000 land Troops which were to be 
immediately debarked at Jamestown 
and form a junction with the American 
army under the command of the Mar- 
quis de la Fayette. 

Finding upon my arrival at the head 
of Elk a great deficiency of Transports, 
I wrote many letters to Gentlemen of In- 
fluence on the Eastern Shore beseeching 
them to exert themselves in drawing 
forth every kind of vessel which would 
answer for this purpose — and agreed 
with the Count de Rochambeau that 
about 1,000 American Troops (including 
the Artillery Regiment) and the Grena- 
diers and Chasseurs of the Brigade of 
Bourbonne with the infantry of Lauzen's 
Legion should be the first to Embark, 
and that the rest of the Troops should 
continue their March to Baltimore, pro- 
ceeding thence by Land or Water ac- 
cording to circumstances. The Cavalry 
of Lauzen with the saddle horses and 
such teams of both armies as the Qr. 
Masters thereof might judge necessary 
to go round by Land to the place of 

Judging it highly expedient to be with 
the army in Virginia as soon as possible, 
to make the necessary arrangements for 
the Siege, and to get the materials pre- 
pared for it, I determined to set out for 
the camp of the Marqi de la Fayette 
without loss of time — and accordingly 
in company with the Count de Rocham- 
beau, who requested to attend me, and 
the Chevr de Chastellux set out on the 

September %t/i — And reached Baltimore 
where I rec'd and answered an address 
of the Citizens. 

September gt/i — I reached my own 
Seat at Mount Vernon (distance 120 
miles from the H'd of Elk) where I 
staid till the 12th, and in three days 
afterwards — that is on the 14th — reached 
Williamsburg. — The necessity of seeing 
and agreeing upon a proper plan of 
co-operation with the Count de Grasse 
induced me to make him a visit at Cape 
Henry, where he lay with his fleet after 
a partial engagement with the British 
Squadron off the Capes under the com- 
mand of Admiral Graves, whom he had 
driven back to Sandy Hook. 

September ijt/i — In company with the 
Count de Rochambeau, the Chevr 
Chastellux, Genls. Knox and Duportail, 
I set out for the interview with the 
Admiral, and arrived on board the Ville 
de Paris (off Cape Henry) the next day 
by noon, and having settled most points 
with him to my satisfaction except not 
obtaining an assurance of sending ships 
above York — and one that he could not 
continue his fleet on this station longer 
than the first of November, I embarked 
on board the Queen Charlotte (the 
vessel I went down in), but by hard 



blowing and contrary winds, did not 
reach Williamsburg again till the 2 2d. 

September 22d — Upon my arrival in 
Camp I found that the 3d Maryland 
Regiment had got in (under the com- 
mand of Col. Adam) and that all except 
a few missing vessels with the Troops 
from the head of Elk were arrived and 
landing at the upper point of the Col- 
lege Creek, where Genl. Choisy with 
600 F. Troops, who had arrived from 
R. Isl'd in the Squadron of Count 
de Barras, had done before them during 
my absence. 

September 2$th — Admiral de Barras 
having joined the Count de Grasse with 
the Squadron and Transports from 
Rhode Island, and the latter with some 
Frigates being sent to Baltimore for the 
remaindr of the French army, arrived this 
day at the usual port of debarkation 
above the College Creek, and began to 
land the Troops from them. 

September 2%th — Having debarked all 
the Troops and their Baggage — marched 
— and encamped them in Front of the 
city — and having with some difficulty 
obtained horses and waggons sufficient 
to move our field Artillery, Intrench- 
ing Tools — and such other articles as 
were indispensably necessary — we com- 
menced our march for the Investiture 
of the Enemy at York. — 

The American Continental, and 
French Troops formed one column on 
the left — the first in advance — the 
Militia composed the right column & 
marched by the way of Harwood's mill 
— half a mile beyond the half way H'se 
the French & Americans separated — 
the former continued on the direct road 

to York, by the Brick House — the latter 
filed off to the right for Munford's 
bridge, where a junction with the Militia 
was to be made. — About noon the head 
of each column arrived at its ground, 
& some of the enemy's Picquets were 
driven in on the left by a corps of French 
Troops advanced for the purpose, which 
afforded an opportunity of reconnoiter- 
ing them on their right — The enemy's 
Horse on the right were also obliged to 
retire from the ground they had en- 
camped on, & from whence they were 
employed in reconnoitering the right 
column. — 

The line being formed, all the Troops 
— officers & men — lay upon their arms 
during the night. — 

September 29th — Moved the American 
Troop more to the right, and Encamped 
on the East side of Be[a]ver dam Creek, 
with a morass in front about cannon 
shot from the enemy's lines — Spent this 
day in reconnoitering the enemy's posi- 
tion, & determining upon a plan of at- 
tack & approach which must be done 
without the assistance of shipping above 
the Town as the Admiral — (notwith- 
standing my earnest soliciation) de- 
clined hazarding any vessells on that 

September $oth — The enemy aban- 
doned all their exterior works, & the 
position they had taken without the 
Town; & retired within their Interior 
works of defence in the course of last 
night — immediately upon which we pos- 
sessed them & made those on our left 
(with a little alteration) very serviceable 
to us — We also began two enclosed 
works on the right of Pidgeon Hill — 


2 9 

between that & the ravine above More's 

From this time till the 6th of October 
nothing occurred of Importance — Much 
diligence was used in debarking & trans- 
porting the stores, cannon <\:c from 
Trebell's Landing (distant 6 miles) on 
James Rivr to camp ; Which for want 
of Teams went on heavily — and in pre- 
paring Faycines, Gabiens &c. for the 
Siege — as also in reconnoitering the 
enemy's defences & their situation as 
perfectly as possible, to form our par- 
rallels & mode of attack. 


The Teams which were sent round 
from the head of Elk, having arrived 
about this time, we were enabled to 
bring forward our heavy Artillery & 
stores with more convenience and dis- 
patch — and every thing being prepared 
for opening Trenches. 1500 Fatiegue 
men & 2800 to cover them, were ordered 
for this Service. 

October 6th — Before morning the 
Trenches were in such forwardness as to 
cover the men from the enemy's fire — 
The work was executed with so much 
secresy & dispatch that the enemy were, 
I believe, totally ignorant of our labor 
till the light of the morning discovered 
it to them. — Our loss on this occasion 
was extremely inconsiderable — not more 
than one officer (french) & about 20 
men killed & wounded — the officer & 
15 of which were on our left from the 
corps of the Marqs. de St. Simond, who 
was betrayed by a deserter from the 
Huzzars that went in & gave notice of 
his approaching his parrallel. 

October ph atid St/i — Was employed 
in compleating our Parallel — finishing 
the redoubts in them and establishing 

October gt/i — About 3 o'clock P. M. 
the French opened a battery on our ex- 
treme left of 4 sixteen pounders,and six 
Morters & Howitzers — and at 5 o'clock 
an American battery of six 18s & 24s ; 
four Morters & 2 Howitzers began to 
play from the extremity of our right. — 
both with good effect as they compelled 
the enemy to withdraw from their am- 
brazures the Pieces which had pre- 
viously kept up a constant firing. 

October iot/1 — The French opened two 
batteries on the left of our front par- 
allel — one of 6 twenty-four pounders, & 
2 sixteens with 6 Morters & Howitzers 
— The other of 4 sixteen pounders. — 
And the Americans two Batteries be- 
tween those last mentioned & the one 
on our extreme right, the left of which 
containing 4 eighteen pounders — the 
other two Mortars. 

The whole of the batteries kept 
an incessant fire — the cannon at the 
ambrazures of the enemy, with a view 
to destroy them — The shells into the 
enemy's works where by the infor- 
mation of deserters, they did much exe- 

The French battery on the left, by 
red hot shot, set fire to, (in the course 
of the Night) the Charon frigate & 3 
large Transports which were entirely 

October nt/i — The French opened two 
other batteries on the left of the par- 
allel, each consisting of 3 Twenty-four 
pounders — these were also employed in 



demolishing the ambrazures of the 
enemy's works & advancd Redoubt. 

Two Gentlemen — a Major Granchier 
& Captn D'Avilier being sent by Ad- 
miral de Grasse to reconnoiter the 
enemy's water defences and state of the 
river at and near York, seemed fa- 
vorably disposed to adopt the measure, 
which had beeu strongly urged, of bring- 
ing ships above the town, and made 
representations accordingly to the Count 
de Grasse. 

October 12th — Began our second par- 
allel within about 300 yards (and in some 
places less) of the enemy's lines — and got 
it so well advanced in the course of the 
night as to cover the men before morning. 
— This business was conducted with the 
same secresy as the former, and under- 
taken so much sooner than the enemy 
expected (we should commence a second 
parallel), that they did not, by their con- 
duct and mode of firing, appear to have 
had any suspicion of our working parties 
till daylight discovered them to their 
Picquet ; nor did they much annoy the 
Trenches in the course of this day (the 
Parallel being opened last night from the 
ravine in front, and on the right flank of 
the enemy, till it came near to the inter- 
section of the line of fire from the Ameri- 
can 4 gun Battery to the enemy's ad- 
vanced redoubt on their left. The 
French Batteries fired over the second 

October 13th — The fire of the enemy 
this night became brisk — both from their 
cannon and royals — and more injurious 
to us than it had been ; several men 
being killed, and many wounded, in the 
Trenches, but the works were not in the 

smallest degree retarded by it — our bat- 
teries were begun in the course of the 
night, and a good deal advanced. 

October i^th — The day was spent in 
compleating our parallel and maturing 
the Batteries of the second parallel — the 
old batteries were principally directed 
against the abattis and salient angles of 
the enemy's advanced redoubts on their 
extreme right and left, to prepare them 
for the intended assault for which the 
necessary dispositions were made for 
attacking the two on the left, and, 

At half after six in the evening both 
were carried — that on their left (on the 
Bank of the river) by the Americans, and 
the other by the French Troops. The 
Baron Viominel commanded, the left 
attack & the Marq's de la Fayette the 
right, on which the light Infantry were 

In the left redoubt (assaulted by the 
Americans) there were abt 45 men under 
the command of a Major Campbell; of 
which the Major, a Captn. and Ensign, 
with 17 men, were made Prisoners. But 
few were killed on the part of the enemy, 
& the remainder of the Garrison escaped. 
The right redoubt, attacked by the 
French, consisted of abt 120 men, com- 
manded by a Lieutenant-Colonel — of 
these 18 were killed & 42 taken Prison- 
ers. Among the Prisoners were a Cap- 
tain and two Lieutenants. The bravery 
exhibited by the attacking Troops was 
emulous and praiseworthy — few cases 
have exhibited stronger proofs of In- 
tripidity, coolness and firmness than were 
shown upon this occasion. The follow- 
ing is our loss in these attacks, and since 
the Investiture of York : 







TViOX 1 - :i t 1 m 


., V, .y I X O "t CO 

i ^ H 1 

•j3aaS 1 

. M 


•jnnrj '3 

: M 




•u|du3 | 



\ f *w 1 



•\oj Tl 1 

• N 


) 1 




\i S 'H 1 * N 



•jSias 1 



inaii I 

1**11 D 1 


•uid«53 | 



1«W I 

loo TI 1 

TO 1 





From ye Invest, to 
open g 1st paral... 

To the opening of 
the 2d nar 

c • 


2 • E 
JB «f 

** *. 

H < 



The loss of fhe French from the In- 
vestiture to the Assault of the Redoubts 
Inclusive, is as follows, viz.: 

Officers— Killed 2 

Wounded 7 


Soldiers — Killed 50 

Wounded 127 




October 15th — Busily employed in get- 
ting the Batteries of the second parallel 
compleated, and fixing on new ones con- 
tiguous to the Redoubts which were 
taken last night — placed two Howitzers 
in each of the captured redoubts, wch 
were opened upon the enemy about 5 
o'clock in the afternoon. 

October \dth — About four o'clock this 
morning, the enemy made a Sortee upon 
our second parallel and spiked four 
French pieces of Artillery and two of 
ours, but the guards of the Trenches ad- 
vancing quickly upon them, they re- 
treated precipitately. The Sally being 
made upon that part of the parallel which 
was guarded by the French Troops — they 
lost an officer and 12 men killed and 1 
officer taken prisoner. The American 
loss was one Sergeant of Artillery (in 
the American Battery; wounded. The 
enemy, it is said, left 10 dead and lost 3 

About 4 o'clock this afternoon the 
French opened two Batteries of 2 24s & 
four 1 6s each — 3 pieces from the Ameri- 
can grand battery were also opened, the 
others not being ready. 

October iytk — The French opened an- 
other Battery of four 24s & two 16s 
and a Morter Battery of 10 Morters and 
two Howitzers — The American grand 
Battery consisting of 12 twenty-four and 
eighteen prs, 4 Morters and two Howit- 

About ten o'clock the enemy beat a 
parley, and Lord Cornwallis proposed a 
cessation of Hostilities for 24 hours, 
that Commissioners might meet at the 
house of a Mr. Moore (in the rear of 
our first parallel) to settle terms for the 
Surrender of the Posts of York and 
Gloucester. — To this he was answered, 
that a desire to spare the further effu- 
sion of Blood would readily incline me 
to treat of the Surrender of the above 
Posts — but previous to the meeting of 
Commissioners, I wished to have his 
proposals in writing, and for this pur- 
pose would grant a cessation of hostili- 



ties two hours — Within which time he 
sent out A letter with such proposal 
(tho' some of them were inadmissible) 
as led me to believe that there would be 
no great difficulty in fixing the terms — 
accordingly hostilities were suspended 
for the night & I proposed my own terms 
to which, if he agreed, commissioners 
were to meet to digest them into 

October iSt/i — The Commissioners met 
accordingly; but the business was so 
procrastinated by those on their side (a 
Colo. Dundas & a Maj'r Ross) that 
Colo. Laurens & the Viscount de 
Noailles, who were appointed on our 
part could do no more than make the 
rough draft of the articles which were 
to be submitted for Lord Cornwallis's 

October igtk — In the morning early I 
had them copied and sent word to Lord 
Cornwallis that I expected to have them 
signed at n o'clock — and that the Gar- 
rison would march out at two o'clock — 
both of which were accordingly done — 
two redoubts on the enemy's left being 
possessed (the one by a detachment of 
French Grenadiers, & the other by 
American Infantry), with orders to pre- 
vent all intercourse between the army 
& Country and the Town. — While 
officers in the several departments were 
employed in taking acc't of the public 
stores, &c. — 

October 20th — Winchester & Fort Fred- 
erick in Maryland, being the places des- 
tined for the reception of the Prisoners, 
they were to have commenced their 
march accordingly this day, but were 
prevented by the Commissary of 
Prisoners not having compleated his 

accounts of them & taken the paroles 
of the officers. 

October 21st — The prisoners began 
their march & I set out for the Fleet to 
pay my respects & offer my thanks to 
the Admiral for his important services — 
and to see if he could not be induced to 
further co-operations before his final 
departure from this coast — despairing 
from the purport of my former Confer- 
ence with him, & the tenor of all his 
letters of obtaining more than a convoy, 
I contented myself with representing the 
important] consequences and certain 
prospects of an attempt upon Charles- 
town, and requesting if his orders, or 
other engagements would not allow him 
to attend to that great object, that he 
would nevertheless transport a detach- 
ment of Troops to, & cover their de- 
barkation at Wilmington that by reduc- 
ing the enemy's post there, we might 
give peace to another State with the 
Troops that would afterwards join the 
Southern Army under the Command of 
Maj'r Genl. Greene. — 

Having promised the command of the 
detachment destined for the enterprise 
against Wilmington to the Marq's de la 
Fayette in case he could engage the 
Admiral to convey it & secure the de- 
barkation, I left him on Board the Ville 
de Paris to try the force of his influence 
to obtain these. 

October 23d — The Marq. returned 
with assurances from the Admiral that 
he would countenance & protect with 
his fleet the Expedition against Wil- 
mington — preparations were immedia- 
tely [made] for embarking Wayne's & 
Gists Brigades with a sufficiency of Artil- 
lery, Stores & provisions for this purpose. 



October 24M — Received advice by 
Express from General Forman of the 
British Fleet in the Harbour of New 
York consisting of 26 sail of the line, 
Some 50s & 44s — many frigates— fire 
ships & Transports, mounting in the 
whole to 99 sail had passed the Narrows 
for the hook, & were as he suppos'd 
upon the point of Sailing for Chesa- 
peak. — Notice was immediately com- 
municated to the Count de Grasse. 

From this time to the 28th was em- 
ployed in collecting and taking an acc't 
of the different species of stores which 
were much dispersed and in great dis- 

All the vessels in public employ in 
the River James River were ordered 
round for the purpose of receiving and 
transporting stores, &c, to the Head of 

October 28t/i — Began to Embark the 
Ordnance and Stores for the above pur- 

Received a Letter from the Count de 
Grasse, declining the convoy he had en- 
gaged to give the detachment for Wil- 
mington & assigning his reasons for it. 
— This after a suspence and consequent 
delay of 6 or 7 days, obliged me to pre- 
pare to march the Troops by land under 
the command of M. Genl. St. Clair. 

In the Evening of this day Intelli- 
gence was received from the Count de 
Grasse that the British fleet was off the 
Capes, & consisted of 36 Ships, 25 of 
which were of the line, & that he had 
hove out the Signal for all his people to 
come on board & prepare to Sail — but 
many of his Boats & hands being on 
shore, it could not be effected. 

October 29M— The British Fleet still 

appeared in the offing without the Capes, 
but, the wind being unfavourable, and 
other causes preventing, the French 
Fleet kept to their moorings within. — 

In the Evening of this day the former 
fleet disappeared, & Count de Grasse 
engaged to remain a few days in the 
Bay to cover the water transport of our 
stores and Troops up the Bay to the 
River Elk. 

From this time to the 5th of Nov'r 
was employed in embarking the Ord- 
nance and stores and the Troops which 
were returning to the Northward — pre- 
paring the detachment for the South- 
ward — providing clothing and stores for 
the Army commanded by Maj'r Gen'l 
Greene — depositing a magazine at West- 
ham[pton] fof the use of the Southern 
States — and making other necessary ar- 
rangements previous to the division 
of the army and my return to the 
North River — also in marching off 467 
convalescents from the British Hospital 
under escort of Courtlandt's York Reg- 
iment for Fredericksburg on their way 
to join their respective Regiments at 
Winchester and Fort Frederick in Mary- 
land. — 

November $th — The detachment for 
the Southward, consisting as has been 
before observed, of Wayne's and Gists' 
Brigades (excepting such men of the 
Maryland and Virginia lines whose 
terms of service would expire before the 
first of Jan'y.) Began their march — and 
were to be joined by all the cavalry that 
could be equipped of the first — third 
& fourth Regim'n at {close of diary). 

Note — Washington did not resume his Jour- 
nal until September, 1784. 











From the Archives of Maryland at Annapolis 
Headquarters Morris Town 

9th April 1777 

Having heard that your State have 
appointed Lieut. Colo Geo. Strieker to 
the Command of a Battalion, I hold 
myself bound to inform you that the 
Character he holds here *as an officer 
will not justify such an appointment. 
Yesterday he obtained my leave to re- 
sign, complaining that his private affairs 
indispensably require his presence at 
home for several months. Had there 
been any other Field Officer with the 
Batn, I should have permitted him to 
leave it immediately ; he waits only for 
the Colonell's arrival — 

I beg you will consider this informa- 
tion as proceeding from my great regard 
for the good of the service, and from 
nothing else — I have the honour to be 
with great Regard and Esteem 

Yr most Obd Sevt. 
Go. Washington — 
(Gov. Thomas Johnson of Maryland) 


From the Archives of Maryland at Annapolis 
Headquarters Morris Town 

nth April 1777 
The following, the last paragraph in the origi- 

nal, does not appear in the letter printed by 
Sparks, IV, 385. Editor 

Since writing the above, I have the 
disagreeable information that Disputes 
still prevail in your State about the rank 
of your Officers, and that the recruiting 
service is exceedingly injured by them — 
Shall the general Cause be injured by 
such ill timed and ineffectual Jarrings 
among them ? I have inclosed two Re- 
solves of Congress, warmly hoping that 
the knowledge of them may tend to an 
honourable and necessary accomoda- 
tion — No settlement which they can 
make & submit to among themselves* 
will affect the army at large— T have 
long since determined to refer the adjust- 
ing of Rank to a Board of General 
Officers, which will proceed upon the 
business so soon as the Army collects & 
circumstances will admit — 

I have the honour to be 

with great Respect, 
Yr most Obed't Serv't 

Go. Washington 
Gov'r Johnson [Maryland] 


From the Archives of Maryland at Annapolis 
Headquarters Morris Town 


26th April 1777 

I am honoured with yours of the 19th 
inclosing a list of the Field Officers of 
your Battalions, with the arrangement 
of their Rank. 

I have never received Returns from 
any of the Colonels, except Colo Price, 
of the State of their Regiments; if 
Gen'l Smallwood is at Annapolis, be 
kind enough to desire him to collect 



them and transmit them to me as soon 
as possible — 

I have the Honor to be Sir 

Your most ob't Serv't 

Go. Washington 
Gov. Johnson [Maryland] 


» Communicated by Henry E. Turner 

East Greenwich Rhode Island 
Si r Headquarters, May 14, 1777 

Yours of the 6th instant this moment 
reached me, inclosing returns of the 
batalions raising in your State. 

You must continue to send them for- 
ward with all expedition, whatever effect 
it may have in the opinions of those you 
mention. Their presence, in this quarter, 
cannot be dispensed with, and it is im- 
possible to neglect a certain and press- 
ing danger in order to guard against a 
precarious and improbable one. 
I am Sir, 
Your most obedient servant 

G. Washington 
Brigadier General Varnum 


Communicated by J. Watson Webb 
Dear Sir, Clove, July 15, 1777 

Your favour of yesterday's date is just 
come to hand. You have my thanks 
for your care of the spirit and cheese 
which I would wish to have sent forward 
to me at this place or wherever I may 
be — Colo Trumbull went from hence to 
day to Peekskill ; if you could get it 
into his care he will, I am persuaded, put 
it into safe hands that will not suffer it 
to be stolen or adulterated on the way — 
but as his stay there will be very short I 
must request your attention to this mat- 

ter if he should be come of[f]. I have 
also to thank you Sir, which I do very 
sincerely for the map which will if we 
should have occasion to manoeuvre about 
in the parts described by it be very use- 
ful to me. — 

I was led to believe by Genl Parsons 
that the Connecticut Regiments would 
average about 600 men each, yours 
having been put upon the same footing 
with the eight of that State I was in 
hopes to have found stronger than you 
have mentioned. I am with sincerity 
Yr obedt & affect Servt 

Go Washington 

Colo Saml B. Webb Peekskill 


From Clinton MSS in the N. Y. State Library 

Head Quarters White Plains 
Dear Sir, 21st July 1777 

I have been favd with your's of yes- 
terday, and soon after Genl Gates trans- 
mitted me letters from Coll Ethan 
Allen, to Genl. Starke and himself upon 
the same subject. I plainly perceive 
that this matter is likely to be produc- 
tive of a serious Dispute between the 
State of New York and the Inhabitants 
of Vermont, and therefore, I do not 
chuse to give any Determination — I 
shall transmit the whole Proceedings to 
Congress and desire their Decision. In 
the mean time I have ordered the 
Prisoners to be returned to Fort Arnold 
where they are to remain, in an easy 
confinement under the Care of Coll 
Malcom the commanding Officer. 

I am with great Esteem Dear Sir 
Your most obedt Servt 

Go. Washington 
Govr Clinton 



From Clinton MSS in the N. Y. State Library 

Head Quarters in the Clove 

22 July 1777 

I am informed by Genl Geo. Clinton 
that you have vested him with powers to 
call out the Militia of the Counties of 
Ulster, Orange, Dutches and West 
Chester untill the 1st of August, at 
which time the new Legislature is sum- 
moned to meet. 

As it will probably be some time be- 
fore the Wheels of the new Government 
can be put in motion, I am fearfull that, 
unless this power is extended to a further 
time, there will be a vacancy between 
Genl Clinton's present Commission, and 
the enacting new laws by the Legisla- 
ture. A circumstance which, at this 
time, may prove most fatal in its Conse- 
quences because, from the present ap- 
pearance of Matters, the Enemy are 
upon the point of making some capital 

I could therefore wish, if it can be 
done with propriety, that before your 
Board is dissolved, you would extend 
this power of calling out the Militia to 
Genl Clinton — or some other person, 
till such time as you may reasonably 
expect the new Legislature will have 
met and proceeded regularly to Busi- 

/ — I mention Genl. Clinton or some 
other person, — because as he will enter 
into his office of Governor of the State 
upon the 1st of August, he cannot prob- 
ably attend to the Business of the 
Militia. If you are of Opinion that 

he can, I would prefer him to any 
other. I have the Honor to be 
Gentlemen your most obt. Servt. 

Go. Washington 
To the Council of Safety 

State of New York 



Communicated by Arthur C. Porter 

Chester on Delaware, Aug. 1,1777, 
10 o'clock, p. m. 
Dear Sir, 

By an express this moment received 
from Capt May the Enemy's Fleet put 
to Sea yesterday morning at 8 o'clock 
and were out of sight Three Hours 
when the express came away. — From 
this event it appears Gen'l Howe has 
been practicing a deep feint probably 
to draw our attention and whole force 
to this point. — I am to request that you 
will counter march the Division under 
your command and proceed with it with 
all possible expedition to Park's Hill, 
as there is strong reason to believe that 
the North River is their object, and that 
they will make a rapid push to obtain 
possession of our posts there. — 

The inclosed letter for the Com- 
manding Officer of the Two Eastern 
Brigades, which were ordered to march 
from Peekskill to re-inforce this army, 
you will transmit without a moment's 
delay. I am, dear sir, Yr hble svt, 

Go. Washington 

Please to deliver the enclosed to Col. 
Crane. I order him to return with you 
and the artillery. 
Major-Gen'l Sullivan 

Or Officer commanding his division 
on the march from Morristown to Cor- 
ryel's Ferry. 




Communicated by Curtis Guild 

Camp at the Cross Roads Bucks County 
Sunday 10th August 1777 
io o'clock P M 

I have just reed an Express from 
Philada informing me that a large Fleet 
was seen off Sinepugent Inlet on the 7th 
inst. You are therefore desired to halt 
wherever this finds you, and wait till we 
hear further of this matter. Let me 
know by Return of the Express where 
you are, that I may know how to direct 
for when I have occasion to send you 

I am sir Yr. most obt. Servt. 

Go. Washington 

P. S. By ordering you to halt where 
this shall find you, I mean upon the 
most convenient ground near the place. 

Colo. Morgan 


From the Archives of Maryland at Annapolis 

Neshameni Camp August 17, 1777 

I beg leave to trouble you with a few 
lines on a subject which I wish to have 
your attention — I was j ust now informed 
that Lieut. McNaire, of the Artillery, has 
been arrested, and stands bound over 
to the next Court to be held for Hertford 
County, for enlisting two men to serve 
in one of the Continental Regiments of 
Artillery — This, it is said, is in conse- 
quence of an Act of your Assembly, 
by which all Officers are prohibited 
from enlisting men within the State, 
unless they are of the Regiments be- 
longing to it. I have never seen the 

Law, and therefore cannot pretend to 
determine how far the prohibition ex- 
tends, but would suppose, it was only 
designed to prevent the Officers of other 
States enlisting men to fill up the Regi- 
ment [ ] as their Quota. 

So far, it appears to me, the Act would 
be founded in the strictest justice ; but 
when there is an absolute necessity for 
Artillery Corps, — when three such Regi- 
ments were ordered to be raised by 
Congress, without being apportioned on 
any particular State, certainly, each 
should furnish a proportion of them — 
This case is quite otherwise — All in this 
Line now with the Army have been 
enlisted in the New England States, 
a few excepted, [much the] greatest 
parts in that of Massachusetts, over 
and above their [quota] of the 88 Bat- 
talions first voted, and a proportion 

of the [ ] 16. — I will not 

say anything of the policy or impol- 
iyc[of this] Act, if it has a more 
extensive operation than I have [sup- 
posed] it to have, but I would take 
the liberty to observe, [that] in my 
opinion, it would be for the advan- 
tage of the State [if] each of 'em 
had men employed in this important 
[period of the] war, not to add, that the 
whole ought to contribute [the number] 
to the filling of all Corps that are 
deemed essential [to the whole] which 
are not allotted to any individual one — 

[ ] McClure will deliver 

you this Letter, and I should [expect] 
thro' your application and intercession 
with the Court of Harford, so far as 
they may be consistent, that Lieut. Mc 
Naire may be discharged from his re- 
cognisance, if he has not offended in 



any other instance against the Laws 
of the State— 

I have the onor to be 
With great respect, Gentlemen 

Your most obed. Servt 

Go. Washington 
To the Delegates of Maryland 


From the Collections of Maryland Hist. Society 

Wilmington 31 Aug 1777 

The Congress having called upon the 
State of Maryland to furnish a number 
of Militia to assist in repelling the Inva- 
sion of the Enemy byway of Chesapeak 
Bay and appointed Brigadr Smallwood 
and yourself to arrange — conduct and 
command them, You are to repair with- 
out loss of time to George Town on 
Sassafras on the Eastern Shore of that 
State, or elsewhere on the East side of 
Chesapeak Bay, where the Militia are 
assembling for the purpose aforesaid 
and to arrange & form them as soon as 
possible into the best order you can; 
Which having been done you are to 
march them immediately towards the 
Head of Elk within a convenient dis- 
tance to harass and annoy the Enemy's 
right flank and the parties they may 
send out; either while they remain 
there, or in any march they may attempt 
towards Philadelphia, or into the 
Country. For this purpose you will oc- 
cupy the best posts you can, having re- 
gard to the security of your Corps 
against sudden attacks and surprizes by 
the Enemy. To prevent the latter it 
will be necessary to keep out constant 
patrols & scouting parties, and you will 
also use every means in your power, to 

obtain good information of their situa- 
tion and the earliest intelligence of their 
designs & intended movements. 

You will report to me an account 
of your arrival — the place where — the 
amount of your Force, and every Occur- 
rence from time to time that you may 
consider material and necessary. 

In a peculiar manner you will extend 
your care to the Cattle — Horses & Stock 
of all kinds lying contiguous to the 
Enemy and withing such a distance, that 
there may be a probability of their fall- 
ing into their Hands. These must be 
driven out of their reach and all Wag- 
gons & Carts removed that might facili- 
tate the movement of their baggage and 

I shall not enlarge upon this occasion 
— nor enter into a more minute delail 
for your conduct, observing at the same 
time, that the situation of the Enemy 
calls loudly for the exertions of all, and 
that I cannot but recommend the 
strictest care, attention — and dispatch 
in executing the Objects of your com- 
mand. You will speak to the Quarter 
Master & Commissaries of Provisions & 
Forage and agree with them upon a 
mode by which you may be supplied 
with such necessaries, as you may have 
occasion for in the Line of their respec- 
tive Departments. 

There is one thing more which I 
would mention viz : — If there should be 
any Mills in the Neighborhood of the 
Enemy and which may be liable to fall 
into their hands, the Runners should be 
removed and secured. This can be of 
no injury, or but a temporary one to the 
proprietors, while it will effectually pre- 
vent the Enemy from using the Mills. 



Grain too, should be carried out of their 

way as far as circumstances will admit. 

Given at Wilmington this 31st day of 

Augt 1777. 

Go. Washington 

To Colonel Mordecai Gist 


From the Archives of Maryland at Annapolis 

Wilmington Sept. 3d 1777 

The late Resolution of Congress for 
sending General Smallwood and Col. 
Gist from this Army, to arrange and 
command the Militia of Maryland, now 
called to the Field, and the frequent 
applications I had, before the arrival of 
those Gentln at this place, to send Offi- 
cers to the Eastern Shore to take [com- 
mand] of the Militia assembling there, 
give me reason to believe, that the regu- 
lations, in this line, are not so good, as 
either you, or I wish them to be ; and, 
that there is a want of Officers in that 
part of the State, or at least of a Head, 
to conduct matters properly, and in the 
best manner that circumstances will 

Under this persuasion, If you have 
not already appointed a General Officer, 
or have no particular Gentleman in 
view for the purpose, I would beg leave 
to mention John Cadwalader, Esq, for 
your consideration. This Gentleman 
I know to be a judicious — valuable 
Officer, and I have often regretted that 
he did not hold a high command in the 
Army of the States — If you should en- 
tertain the same opinion of him, and 
there is no objection to appointing him, 
I am satisfied he would render essential 
services at the Head of the Eastern 

Shore Militia, if he will accept the com- 
mand, which I am inclined to think 
would be the case. 

Before Col. Gist went on this busi- 
ness on Monday, on account of the 
applications I have mentioned, and not 
knowing, who the Militia Officers were 
on the Eastern shore, I wrote to Mr. 
Cadwalader and requested his good 
Offices and exertions in assembling and 
arranging the Militia, which, I find, 
have been employed with great assi- 
duity ; and if arms could have been 
procured, that he would have collected 
a respectable body of men. My inter- 
fering in this matter was the result of 
necessity. I thought the situation of 
our affairs required it, and I trust I shall 
have your excuse upon the occasion — I 
would also observe, If Mr. Cadwalader 
is appointed, Col. Gist's services there 
may be dispensed with, and he may 
join his Regiment again — I sincerely 
congratulate you on our late success at 
the Northward in raising the seige of 
Fort Schuyler, and obliging the Enemy 
to go off with great precipitation — leav- 
ing their Tents — provisions and amuni- 
tion, and with the loss of several pris- 
oners and Deserters and Four Royals — ■ 
I have the Honor to be 
with great respect Sir 

Your Most Obt Servt. 

Go. Washington 
[Gov. Johnson, Maryland]. 


Communicated by Henry E. Turner 
Camp Pawlen's Mill, 6th Oct. 1777 


I have yours of yesterday informing 

me that the detachment under your 



command will be at Coryell's Ferry this 
evening. I desire you will cross im- 
mediately upon the receipt of this, and 
proceed by the nearest Rout to Hill- 
town Township, near the heights of 
which we shall move our Encampment. 
As soon as you arrive upon your ground, 
send me a messenger to let me know ex- 
actly where you are. 

I am Sir, Yr most ob't Serv't 

G. Washington 
To Brig'r Gen'l Varnum 


Communicated by Henry E. Turner 

Camp Pawling's Mill, 7th Oct. 1777 

I desire you will, immediately on re. 
ceipt of this, detach Col. Greene's and 
Col. Angell's regiments, with their bag- 
gage, with orders to throw themselves 
into the fort at Red Bank, upon the 
Jersey Shore. This important post 
commands and defends the Chevaux de 
Frieze, and unless kept in our possession, 
our vessels of war must quit their sta- 
iion, and thereby leave the enemy at 
liberty to weigh the Cheveaux de Frieze 
and open the free navigation of the 
river. These regiments are not to take 
any artillery with them. General Greene 
has written a particular letter to Col. 
Greene, in which he will find instruc- 
tions. I desire the detachment may 
march with the utmost dispatch, by the 
following rout. From the place where 
this reaches you to Bristol and from 
thence across the Delaware to Burling- 
ton, from Burlington to Mt. Holly, — 
from Mount Holly to Haddonfield, — 

from Haddonfield to Woodberry — from 
Woodbury to Red Bank. 
I am Sir Your most obd't Servant 

Go. Washington 
Brigadier General Varnum 


Communicated by Henry E. Turner 

Head Quarters, Pawling's Mill, 

Oct. 8, 1777 

I send you the foregoing duplicate, of 
mine of yesterday, to prevent any delay 
or disappointment from mis-carriages ; 
as it is of the utmost importance, no 
time should be lost in forwarding the 
detachment to the place of its destina- 
tion. The army here marches this 
morning, from hence to the Baptist 
Meeting House in Montgomery Town- 
ship, whither you will direct your course 
by the shortest rout, and effect a junc- 
tion as soon as possible. 
I am Sir, Your most obed't Serv't 
Go. Washington 

P. S. Herewith is a letter of instruc- 
tions* to Col. Greene, which, please, 
immediately forward to him. 

Brigadier General Varnum 

* The letter of instructions to General Greene 
is ptinted in Sparks' Writings of Washington, 
V. 86. 

Communicated by Henry E. Turner 

Headquarters, October 8, 1777 

I this evening received your favour of 
this date, The Regiments under Cols. 
Greene & Angell are to proceed to Red 
Bank according to orders. I desire to 
be informed of their precise amount by 


I 4 I 

this express, at daylight, tomorrow, and 
that you and Gen Huntington, will 
join me, with the Remainder, as early 
as you can. 

I am Sir Your most obed't Serv't 

Go. Washington 
Brigadier General Varnum 


Communicated by Henry E. Turner 
Head Qrs at Frederick Wampol's, 
Sir, 9 Oct. 1777 

I received your letter early this morn- 
ing by the return of the Express. Since 
the order given for the march of Col's 
Greene's & Angell's Regiments, some 
circumstances have cast up, which from 
appearances, make so large a number of 
Continental Troops at Red Bank un- 
necessary; I therefore desire that you 
will, on receipt of this, send the express 
to Col. Angell to return immediately 
with his Regiment, and to join this Army 
as soon as he can, I am much sur- 
prised to find the troops were on the 
Road to Coriels ferry and only ten 
miles from it, after I had pointed out 
the proper rout in the most plain & di- 
rect terms. You will write to Col. 
Greene on the subject and order him 
to pursue the way mentioned in his in- 
structions. He will lose no time in 
getting to Red Bank with his Regiment. 
My intention was that you and Gen'l 
Huntington should join me this morn- 
ing, with the Remainder of the Troops, 
and so I thought I expressed myself. 
You are to do it. 

I am Sir Your most obed't Serv't 
Gen'l Farnum Go. Washington 

This letter is endorsed, "If the weather 
should prove unfit for Troops to march, you 

will remain where you are, till it is suit- 
able. By command Rob't H. Harrison 


Communicated by Henry E. Turner 

Headquarters, 31st October, 1777 

The loss of our heavy cannon on the 
North river, and the possibility however 
remote, of losing those which are in 
the Forts on Delaware, in which case 
we should be divested totally of an es- 
sential defence against the enemy's ships, 
make it advisable to remove from Red 
Bank and Fort Mifflin, all the large 
Calibers that can possibly be spared 
from their necessary defence, to some 
Place of Safety where they may be kept 
in reserve. Fort Mifflin has had a 
requisition of cannon taken from the 
wreck of the Augusta, which will prob- 
ably have given to that post a superflu- 
ous number. — The approaching Frosts 
will effectually stop the blasts of our 
Furnaces, which is a father cogent rea- 
son for making a Store of heavy Cannon 
in case of accidents. 

In my letter to Gen'l Forman, I men- 
tioned that the crews on board the Gal- 
leys, should not expose themselves in 
dragging for Cannon, to the fire of a 
battery, which he thinks the enemy have 
raised to interrupt them — but if a plan 
which I have suggested to him can be 
carried into Execution, the objection 
will be removed and a further acquisi- 
tion may be made of the valuable article 
in question. 

I am Sir Your humble Serv't 
Go. Washington 
To Brigadier Gen'l Varnum 

P. S. It will be necessary to consult 



the Commodore, upon the Subject 
above mentioned, he will judge of the 
safety with which the Galleys may pro- 
ceed in dragging for the Cannon. 


Communicated by Henry E. Turner 
Head Quarters, 7th Novemr, 1777 

From various accounts, I am con- 
vinced that the enemy are upon the 
point of making a grand effort upon 
Fort Mifflin. A person in confidence of 
one of their principal artificers, thinks it 
will be to day or to morrow, No time is 
therefore to be lost in making that Garri- 
son as respectable as your numbers will 
admit, for should the attack commence 
before they are reinforced, it may prob- 
ably be out of your power to throw them 
in. I think you had better, for the 
present, draw all the Continental Troops 
into or near Forts Mercer and Mifflin, 
and let what militia are collected lay 
without, for I am of opinion that they 
will rather dismay than assist the Conti- 
nental Troops, if shut up in the Forts. 
Acquaint the Commodore that my infor- 
mant says, there are three floating bat- 
teries and some Fire Rafts prepared, 
which are to fall down upon his fleet at 
the same time that the island is attacked, 
and desire him to keep a lookout and 
make the necessary preparation to re- 
ceive them. As fort Mercer cannot be 
attacked without considerable previous 
notice, I would have you spare as many 
men to Fort Mifflin, as you possibly can, 
for if the accounts are to be depended 
upon, that is undoubtedly by the post the 
Enemy have their designs upon. I am 
very anxious to hear what was the oc- 

casion of the heavy firing of musketry, 
on the Evening of the 5th, it seemed to 
us, to be at Fort Mifflin. 

I am, Sir Your obd't Serv't 

Go. Washington 
Gen'l Varnum 

Communicated by Henry E. Turner 

Head Quarters, Whitemarsh, 

8th Novemr 1777 

Yours of the 6th relieved me from 
much anxiety, as it was confidently re- 
ported, that the firing upon the 5th was 
upon Fort Mifflin, I am pleased to hear 
of the success of your Cannonade against 
the Enemy's Shipping, and I am very 
certain if we had more heavy Cannon 
mounted upon travelling carriages, to 
move up and down the Beach occasion- 
ally, that we should annoy and distress 
them exceedingly. To possess Billings- 
port, as well as Red Bank, is certainly a 
most desirable object, but circum- 
stanced as we are at present, in respect 
to numbers, it is impossible. In a letter 
from General Dickinson, of the 6th, he 
informs me that he had ordered two de- 
tachments of Militia to march from 
Elizabethtown to Red-Bank, one con- 
sisting of 160 men, he does not mention 
the number of the other. 

I have just seen a very intelligent per- 
son from Philadelphia. He has been 
conversant with many people, who stand 
high in the confidence of the British 
Officers of the first Rank. He finds 
from all their discourse that a formid- 
able attack is to be made upon Fort 
Mifflin very soon, if that fails, they will 
be obliged to change their quarters, as 



they find they cannot subsist in the City, 
without they have a free communica- 
tion with their Shipping. 

I therefore repeat what I wrote yes- 
terday, that you should immediately re- 
inforce Fort Mifflin, as Strongly as pos- 
sible and give the Commodore notice of 
the intended attack. 

The inclosed for Commodore Hazle- 
wood, Col. Greene and L't Colo Smith 
are from Congress, and as they bear 
honourable testimony of their behaviour 
hitherto, I beg they may be put im- 
mediately into their hands. It perhaps 
may prove a further incentive to their 
gallant exertions. I approve of the 
measures you have taken to procure 
cloathing for the troops, and am Sir 
Your most obd't Serv't 

Go. Washington 
Gen'l Varnum 

Communicated by Henry E. Turner 

Head Quarters, 10th Novemr, 1777 
Dear Sir, 

I am pleased to find, by yours of the 
8th that proper dispositions were formed 
for the reception of the Enemy at Forts 
Mercer and Mifflin, and that the Garri- 
sons were so full of confidence. We 
already have a firing which we suppose 
a prelude to something more serious. I 
sincerely wish you success, but let the 
event be fortunate or otherwise, pray, 
let me have the speediest intelligence. 
I am dear Sir Yr most obd't Serv't 

Go. Washington 

Your detachments are on their march 
from Fishkill to join you. 
Gen'l Varnum 


Communicated by Henry E. Turner 
Headquarters Novr nth, 1777 
Dear Sir, 

Your favours of 9th & ioth Instant 1 
have duly, received. I think we may 
reasonably hope, that from the good dis- 
positions of the Troops in your quarter 
and the Zeal & Activity of the Officers 
and Men, joined to the present very ad- 
vanced and cold Season, which must 
greatly retard if not prevent the opera- 
tions of the Enemy, matters may ter- 
minate with you, agreableto our Expec- 
tations — this must have the greatest in- 
fluence upon the conduct of Gen'l 
Howe, and force him to adopt disadvan- 
tageous or disgraceful Measures. 

Gen'l Knox informs me that he has 
sent down a person to get an exact re- 
turn of the ammunition which you now 
have, & of what may be wanted & that 
he has sent off 17 Waggons loaded, with 
Bill, which you will receive about this 
time. A Waggon with 20,000 Muskett 
Cartridges will be immediately dis- 
patched, to be delivered to the Militia 
(if you see fit) by your order only. — It 
is greatly to be wished that all Firing 
could be prevented, except when there 
is a real necessity & the distance such 
as might promise a good effect. 

I have wrote to Gen'l Potter, advising 
him to take every step by which he can 
assist you & distress the Enemy on 
Province Island; he may alarm them 
and draw off their attention from Fort 
Mifflin, if nothing more. You are ac- 
quainted with the reasons why a greater 
force is not sent to annoy them in that 



Inclosed you have a list of the am- 
munition which Gen'l Knox says has 
been sent down to these Posts since 
23th Ult. 

I am Dear Sir Your most obd't Serv't 
Go Washington 
Gen Varnum 


Route of the French from provi- 
dence to king's ferry — In letter No. 
II of the Abbe Robin's nouveau Voy- 
age dans l'Amerique Septentrionale, 
dated Camp at Philipsburg, 30th July, 
j 781, occurs the following reference to 
Monsieur Berthier, Aide Marechal des 
Logis in the French contingent serving 
in America : 

" To this gentleman and his brother, 
whom M. de Rochambeau has since also 
made Aide-Marechal des Logis, we owe a 
geographical plan of the entire march of 
the army ; a piece of work all the more 
valuable since there is not yet any exact 
map of these portions of the country." 
In a note is added : " These young 
officers are sons of M. Berthier, Chevalier 
of the order of King and of that of St. 
Louis, Governor of the Hotel de la 

Alexandre Berthier, one of these 
brothers, was the famous Marshal of 
Napoleon, chief of the staff during the 
campaigns of Marengo, Austerlitz, and 
Iena and Prince of Wagram. 

It is probable that the map found 
in the Journal of Cromot du Bourg, 
and published in this Magazine, was 
traced from this original. Editor 

Notice is hereby given, that all Ger- 
man Deserters from the armies of Great 
Britain, will meet with proper encour- 
agement for enlisting in the Royal Regi- 
ment of Deux-Ponts, and of the Duke 
de Lauzun's Hussars, both of which 
corps are now serving in America under 
the command of Monsieur le Comte de 

Application must be made to Col. 
Nicola at the Barracks ; or at Mr. Peter 
Hays's, in Third Street near Race 
Street, where an officer of each corps 
will be found. 

N. B. — The advantages of all kinds 
granted to those who will make use of this 
opportunity, whether with respect of the 
bounties or of victuals and cloaths, have 
already collected a large number of 
deserters in Philadelphia. They have 
the choice of enlisting in the Hussars, 
commanded by the Duke de Lauzun, 
who is in Rhode Island at the head of a 
Legion, or in the German regiment 
called Zweybruck or Royal Deux Ponts, 
commanded by the Count of Deux 
Ponts. — Pennsylvania Packet, Tuesday 
Sept. 12, 1780 Iulus 

Hessian deserters — Philadelphia, 
August 29, 1780. To German Deserters: 

French settlers for America — 
Paris, March 1, 17 19 — They have begun 
here to transport Deserters from among 
the Troops, as well as Malefactors of 
both Sexes, to our Colonies in America, 
to work, some for life, others for certain 
Terms of Years, in cultivating the Coun- 
try. They are to be transported at the 
Charge of the Company of Mississipi, 
who are to have the benefit of their Work. 
That Company have demanded Permis- 
sion to establish a new Colony in Florida, 
in a certain Extent of Country, out of 



which they design to drive the Span- 
iards who are in Possession of it ; for it 
belongs by Right to France, and makes 
part of the Grant made by the late King 
to M. de Croizat and the Company of 

Paris, August 3, 1720 — Advice has 
been received from Port Louis, that a 
whole Chain of Young People, consist- 
ing of 60 persons, that were ordered for 
Mississipi, had found Means to make 
their Escape. Petersfield 

War prices in new york, 1780 — An 
officer, lately returned from New York, 
reports that Vegetables and Fruit are so 
excessively scarce there that at an or- 
dinary Dinner at any of the Taverns in 
the City the Garden Stuff and Desert 
generally exceed the Charge of every 
other article of the Entertainment be- 
sides Wine and Firing (in Winter Time 
only excepted). November, 1780. — Up- 
cott Clippings, N. Y. Historical Society, 
VI. 143. 

Chicago — Mr. Thomas W. Field in 
his Essay towards our Indian Bibliogra- 
phy, in a note to the title Lettres Edi- 
fianies, says "A curious identification 
of the name of the city of Chicago is 
found in the letter of Father Petit, 
which gives minute details of the visit of 
the Illinois chief Chicaugou to the Mis- 
sion. This chief had visited Paris and 
became somewhat noted, and doubtless 
it was from him that the name of that 
once opulent city is derived." If this 
be correct, then the drawl of Western 
pronunciation on the second syllable of 
the name of their great city is not as ob- 
jectionable as has been supposed ; but 

what becomes of La Salle's account of 
the rivers and peoples discovered by him, 
1 681-2, printed in the Magazine [II. 619J 
in which he speaks of the " Chucagoa, 
which means in their language [the tribe 
unnamed, save as neighbors of the Cisca] 
the Great River ? " Perhaps the solu- 
tion is that the chief who visited France 
was known by the name of the river. 


Slavery in the united states — 
In the Baltimore Repertory for 181 1, 
there is a curious paper entitled " Calcu- 
lations to show how far Slaves influence 
Political Representation in the United 
States." Tables show the decrease of 
slaves in the Northern and Middle and 
their increase in the Southern States. At 
the close is the following prediction : 
" The day is not far distant when the 
Southern and Western States will have 
more Representatives in Congress and 
Electors of President, for slaves only, 
than the Northern will have for all their 
free people." Editor 


The van brugh Livingston man- 
sion on the Hudson — Mr. Lossing in his 
note to the Field Book, says of this 
house which is at Dobbs Ferry : 

"It was the headquarters of Washington 
when he abandoned an attempt to capture New 
York City, changed his plans and marched his 
whole army to Virginia to capture Cornwallis. 
There, at the close of the war, Washington, 
Governor Clinton and General Sir Guy Carleton 
and their respective suites met to make arrange- 
ments for the evacuation of the City of New 
York by the British. Washington and Clinton 
came down the river from West Point in a barge. 
Carleton ascended in a frigate. Four companies 



of American infantry performed the duty of 
guards on that occasion." 

In the Mag. of Am. Hist. [V. 108], it 
is stated on the authority of an officer 
that Washington's headquarters on this 
occasion were at Orangetown or Tappan 
on the opposite shore. Washington ad- 
dressed his letter of May 6 to Carleton 
from the same place, and in his letter to 
the Duke de Lauzun of the 10th, he 
says that he was on the 8th at Orange- 
town in a conference with Sir Guy 
Carleton. See Spark's writings of 
Washington, VIII., 429-432. 

Carleton went up in the Greyhound, 
probably the same vessel which carried 
up the commissioners from Clinton to 
treat for Andre's life in 1780. This 
was a sloop, not a frigate — perhaps the 
tender to the frigate of the same name 
then on the New York station. Has 
Mr. Lossing any authority for the state- 
ment that Washington had his head- 
quarters at the Van Brugh Livingston 
House when his army was at Philips- 
burgh ? It may well have been so, but 
what is the authority ? Iulus 

New York 

A life of Washington — I have a 
copy of " The Life and Memorable 
Actions of George Washington, Gen- 
eral and Commander of the Armies of 
America," Fredericktown, printed by 
M. Bartgis, 1801, i2mo, pp. 68. 

The book is in excellent preservation, 
and contains a rude portrait of Wash- 
ton, which I do not remember to have 
seen mentioned in any published list. 
There is also an interesting account of 
Washington's funeral, with the names of 
the pall-bearers, arranged on each side 

of a coffin, in the order which they re- 
spectively occupied. 

Though the book has suffered no 
violence, it unfortunately appears to be 
imperfect. There is an evident error in 
paging, as the thirty-seventh page di- 
rectly follows the thirty-second, and at 
this point there also seems to be a hiatus 
in the text. If any of the readers of this 
Magazine are in possession of perfect 
copies of this little book, I would be 
glad to be informed of it, so that the 
extent of the imperfection may by com- 
parison be determined. 

Jos. Henry Dubbs 

Lancaster, Pa. 

Nicholas parisot — This French 
gentleman came to America with the 
French troops, and the tradition of the 
family is that he was a commissary gen- 
eral. In 1793 he wrote a book entitled 
American Cavalry Discipline, which 
he dedicated to Washington and pre- 
sented copies to him, and to Congress as 
appears by the records of the War De- 

Can any of your readers give definite 
information as to the corps in which he 
served and his command ? 

Henry A. Stevens 

Morristown, Penn. 

Seditious threat — In the debate on 
the Judiciary bill in the U. S. Senate, 
Jany. 14, 1802, Gen. Jackson, Senator 
from Georgia, said, speaking of the 
Sedition Law, " that law under which 
so many of our citizens have been im- 
prisoned, for writings and speakings ; 
and one, among others, for wishing that 
the wadding of a gun lodged in a cer- 



tain Presidential part." (Debates on 
the Judiciary, Albany, 1802, p. 40). 

Can you or any of your readers fur- 
nish the facts of this remarkable case, 
where it occurred, and how long an im- 
prisonment the party suffered on account 
of his ?tialevolent wish ? 

Fort Wayne R. S. Robertson 



460.] I am able to add an item or two 
to what has been said of Bamfylde Moore 
Carew. These may not be important, but 
they are new. He says in his " apology " 
that he was transported to Maryland for 
having " disobliged some gentlemen," an 
euphuism, I presume, for having picked 
their pockets. The date of his travels 
to and through America was the year 
1739 or '40, as is readily inferred 
from his own statements. The ship 
upon which he embarked came up 
the Chesapeake and entered Saint Mi- 
chaels river. It is almost positively cer- 
tain that the place where he landed was 
1 )eep Water Point, at the mouth of the 
harbor of the present town of Saint 
Michaels, in Talbot county. The names 
he mentions, as those of planters coming 
on board the ship to purchase servants, 
are all familiar, and the persons bearing 
them have representatives in this coun- 
try to the present day, who are among 
our most respectable citizens. The Mr. 
Hambleton, a Scotchman named by 
Carew, was the ancestor of the Hon. 
Samuel Hambleton, for some years Mem- 
ber of Congress from the First District 
of Maryland. " Parson Nichols " was 
the honored rector of St. Michaels parish 

for many years (from 1708 to 1748), and 
his tombstone is still preserved in the 
parish church. The inscription upon 
this is curious, and I would give it, 
but that it would increase the length 
of this communication. His blood is in 
the veins of some of the best people of 
Talbot, and his name perpetuated by 
Mr. Thomas C. Nichols, a merchant of 
Easton, Md. " Mr. Rolles " whom he 
names as the purchaser of the sheep- 
stealing tailor, Griffy, of Devonshire, 
has descendants living at Rolles' Range, 
near St. Michaels, the seat of the family 
for nearly two hundred years. The 
Rolles claim a noble descent, and their 
coat of arms shines resplendent over 
their mantelshelf. Whatever else is neg- 
lected, this is kept clear and bright. The 
Ashcrofts lived long in the county, and 
are now represented in Baltimore. " Mr. 
David Huxter " or Hoxter, w r ho was one 
of the planters desirous of becoming the 
master of Mr. Carew, has left children 
of several descents in Caroline county, 
and perhaps in this. S. A. H. 

Woodstock, Easton, Talbot Co., Md. 

Blue noses — [VII. 64.] This ques- 
tion is propounded and answered by 
Judge Haliburton in the opening para- 
graphs of chapter VI. of Sam Slick in 

" Pray, sir," said one of my fellow pas- 
sengers, " can you tell me why the Nova 
Scotians are called Blue Noses ? " " It 
is the name of a potato," said I, " which 
they produce in great perfection, and 
boast to be the best in the world. The 
Americans have, in consequence, given 
them the nickname, ' Blue Noses.' " 

I. C. 



Lafayette's last visit to America 
— [VI. 330.] In reading with the keen- 
est pleasure the admirable account of 
"Lafayette's Last Visit to America," by 
Mrs. Church, in your May number, I 
remark a slip of the pen on page 330, 
where it is stated that " Lafayette made 
a visit to the venerable John Quincy 
Adams, then eighty-nine years of 
age." The visit was to John Adams, 
the father of John Quincy Adams. 

E. N. Horsford 


Vindication of Andre's Captors, pp. 129, 
&c. Horace Edwin Hayden 

Wilkesbarre, Pa. 

Strictures on andre's character 
— [VI. 457.] Andre stole, beside the 
Encyclopedic, musical instruments and a 
portrait of Dr. Franklin. " C." had 
better examine Lossing's Field Book of 
the Revolution, II. 104 ; Moore's Diary 
of the Revolution, II. 484 ; Sabin's 
American Bibliopolist, I. 2>ZZ^ an d II. 
103. Isaac Craig 

Alleghany, Pa. 

The strictures to which Sargent 

refers are evidently those printed in the 
Pennsylvania Packet of September 6, 
1 78 1, where Andre is called, among 
other things, " the unprincipled robber 
of a public library, the cringing in- 
sideous sycophant and base spy," &c. 
The article was written by a South Caro- 
lina gentleman, who was cognizant of 
Andre's having acted the spy in Charles- 

The entire article can be found in 
Moore's Diary of the Revolution, Vol. 
II. pp. 481-5. In Niles' Register for 
March 1, 181 7, can also be found a no- 
tice of the robbery of the Library Com- 
pany of Philadelphia. See also Benson's 

The cadmus — [VI. 322.] Mrs, 
Church's paper on Lafayette's Last 
Visit to America, naturally recalls the 
recollections of those who were living at 
the time. Every person, every circum- 
stance and every object specially con- 
nected with that illustrious event and its 
hero, is, by the law of association, in- 
vested with peculiar interest, and possi- 
bly may prove to be of historical value. 
Thus the ship which brought over him 
who was to be " the nation's guest " and 
visitor for the last time, is not unworthy 
of a memorial notice, and its name has 
become permanently and pleasingly 

The Cadmus, so named by a vener- 
able lady still living, a sister of the owner, 
Mr. William Whitlock, Jr., for whom it 
was built in New York not long before 
its use for Lafayette, belonged at that 
period to the Havre, line of packet ships, 
organized and managed by William 
Whitlock, Jr., & Co., 46 South street. 
When this eminent shipping house, con- 
sisting of Captain William Whitlock, the 
aged father, Mr. Sydney Whitlock, and 
the brother already mentioned, learned 
that the General preferred to be con- 
veyed to our shores in a private vessel, 
they at once put the Cadmus at his ser- 
vice, and, true to the character of that 
noble spirited class of old New York mer- 
chants, declined to receive any remu- 
neration from him therefor. No other 
passengers but himself and his suite 
were accepted, and the ship took no 
cargo. General Lafayette fully appre- 


; 49 

ciated this initial act of patriotic Ameri- 
can friendship, and the first private house 
in which he accepted an invitation to 
dine, after reaching the city, was that of 
Mr. William Whitlock, Jr., who then 
lived on William street, near Spruce. On 
this occasion he met with several distin- 
guished citizens besides the family party. 
One of these was Col. Ephraim Whit- 
lock, from New Jersey, an uncle of the 
host, who was quickly recognized by the 
grand old General as one of his officers 
from that State during the Revolution, 
and much did they enjoy together the 
mutual recall of a common field adven- 
ture in which they had a narrow escape 
from the red-coats. He also called at 
Mr. Whitlock's the day before his return 
voyage for a final leave taking. 

Captain Allyn was commander of the 
Cadmus when Lafayette came over. 
This ship, after some years, ceased to be 
a packet, was sold, and was last heard of 
as a whaling vessel. 

The late Mr. William Whitlock, Jr., 
lived to an advanced age. He was for 
many years the honored Treasurer of the 
American Bible Society, and also of old 
St. George's church in Beekman street. 

Elizabeth, N. J. W. H. 

Statue to william pitt — [VI. 222.] 
The statue of William Pitt, the elder, 
was erected by the citizens of New York 
in 1770, in the centre of William, at its 
junction with Wall street, and near the 
southwest corner of the old City Hall. 
When the British took New York, one 
hand of the figure was missing. During 
the stay of the British troops, some offi- 
cers, in their revels, knocked off the 
head, on St. Andrew's night. In 1788, 

as stated, it was taken down, and as late 
as 1843 it was in the yard of the arsenal 
on the site of the Harlem Railroad Depot, 
near the city prison. John P. Watson, 
in his annals of New York, says that he 
saw it there, and adds " that it was of 
fine marble, and well executed ; the 
figure draped in a Roman toga, showing 
the roll of Magna Charta." J. C. B. 

Origin of the name of texas — [VI. 
223, VII. 67.] Parkman, in his " Discov- 
ery of the Great West," p. 399, quotes a 
Spanish document of May, 1689, which 
mentions the tribe of the " Texas " in 
connection with the murderers of La 
Salle, and adds in a note : " This is the 
first instance in which the name occurs." 
This document is in Buckingham Smith's 
" Coleccion," printed Madrid, 1657. The 
first printed book by the Spaniards in 
which it is found is in the " Continente 
Americano," published in 1725, by Pedro 
de Rivera Marquez, p. 10, where the 
name " Presidios de los Tejas" is given. 
The name "Presidio de los Tejas " ap- 
pears also in relation to the same event 
in Barcia's Florida, Madrid, 1723, under 
the years 1686 and 1688, pages 266 and 
295. Under the year 1693, page 312, he 
says Missions of Spanish Franciscans 
are established in the same Province. 
On De Lisle's maps of 1700 and 1703, 
he has the coenis or cents only ; on those 
of 17 18, C£nis Missione de los Teijas, 
etablie en 1716, near Trinity River. In 
1722 it appears as Tecas et ce'nis. In 
D'Anville's map, 1746, it is Tecas, ap- 
plied to a province, and in 1755, it ap- 
pears as ""Presidio Espagnol de la Prov- 
ince de Tecas," with the tribe of Adayc's 
near it. J. C. B. 




JULY, 1881. 

The assault was made at the station 
of the Baltimore and Potomac Rail- 
road, in the city of Washington. The 
President was about to take the train 
for Long Branch on his way to join in 
the Commencement exercises of Wil- 
liams College where he was graduated. 
He was accompanied by the Secretary 
of State. The President passed through 
the waiting-room. He was twice shot 
from behind, and fell dangerously, if 
not fatally, wounded. He was imme- 
diately carried to the White House, 
where he remains under the care of 
surgeons and physicians. 

This event occurring at a time when 
the United States was enjoying a pros- 
perity unexampled in its history, when 
the bitterness of sectional strife was 
finally allayed, and all of its citizens 
were looking forward to a wise ad- 
ministration of the government by a 
President who enjoyed universal confi- 
dence and represented in himself the 
best elements of the Nation in manly 
courage, untiring industry and high cul- 
ture, has shocked, not only our entire 
people, but the civilized world. 

Immediately upon the announcement 
of the assault, expressions of horror, of 
esteem, of sympathy, and of hope, were 
received by telegraph from the sover- 
eigns and potentates of every country 
of Europe and the East, and the mails 
arrive, freighted with similar assurances, 
from cities, corporations, and indi- 

No event in the history of the coun- 
try has ever evoked a more unanimous 
sentiment. It crystallized in an instant 
all the latent elements of nationality, 
broken and dispersed by a long series of 
misunderstanding and strife. From the 
Atlantic to the Pacific, from the St. 
Lawrence to the Rio Grande, has arisen 
the cry, it is our President whose life 
has been assailed. If, as God grant, the 
prayers of the nation be answered, and 
the chief magistrate be spared, it will 
be to direct the destinies of a people 
more trustful and more united than at 
any period since the foundation of the 
government. But if, in the dark ways- 
of Providence it be ordained that this 
priceless life shall be thus closed, there 
is the consolation that the last hours of 
this manly spirit will be cheered by the 
assurance that its sacrifice has welded 
together the Nation he so dearly loved. 

As these lines go to press unfavorable 
symptoms in the President's condition 
are distressing and agitating the country. 
But there is still hope. 

Tuesday, July 12, 1881. 

editor's chronicle 


AMONG the innumerable expressions of opinion 
by the institutions of the land, the most remark- 
able and noteworthy was that of the Chamber of 
Commerce of New York on the 7th July. After 
the passing of resolutions appropriate to the 
solemn occasion, Mr. Cyrus W. Field announced 
that a movement had been initiated to secure by 
subscription the sum of two hundred and fifty 
thousand dollars to be securely invested for the 
benefit of the family of Mr. Garfield, whether 
the President should or should not survive. Be- 
fore the meeting broke up nearly fifty thousand 
dollars were pledged. The immediate purpose 
of the subscription was announced to be to re- 
lieve the mind of the President of any anxiety 
as to the future of his family, and thus aid him 
in his battle for life. 

A comet, the identity of which with any of 
the previous known erratic visitors to our celestial 
sphere is not established, has made its appear- 
ance in our northern sky. The first accurate 
observations were taken at the Dudley Observ- 
atory on the nights of the 24th to 28th of 
June, and its orbit established. It passed its 
perihelion June 16, and entered the earthly 
orbit on the 19th June. It was then nearest the 
earth, about 26,000,000 miles distant. It was 
generally seen in the United States on the morn- 
ing of June 25. For the first time in the history 
of science Professor Draper obtained a photo- 
graph of the spectrum of the nucleus and coma 
from his observatory at Hastings-on-Hudson, 
New York. On the night of Wednesday, the 
6th July, the comet exploded, the nucleus separat- 
ing into two parts and forming two distinct 
comets which moved on parallel courses. This 
was witnessed by Professors Stone and Wilson, 
of Cincinnati. A similar separation was ob- 
served in Biela's comet. 

Daniel Webster, the defender of the Consti- 
tution, was born at Salisbury, New Hampshire, 
January 18, 1782, and was graduated from Dart- 
mouth College in 1801. It is proposed to cele- 
brate the centennial of his birth at Dartmouth, a 
suggestion which is eminently proper. 

The favorite English theory that the races of 

man and beast degenerate on the western conti- 
nent, has this year received a fatal blow. The 
American horse Iroquois won the brue ribband 
of the Derby, an honor second only to that of 
the Garter, and subsequently carried off the St. 
James Palace Stakes at the Ascot meeting. A 
few days later Foxhall, also an American horse, 
won the Grand Prix de Paris, the richest turf 
purse in the world. 

St. Roch's and St. John's suburbs and Mont- 
calm Ward, Quebec, were swept by fire and en- 
tirely consumed on the night of the 8th of June 
last. About eight hundred buildings were de- 
stroyed. The loss is estimated at two million dol- 
lars. Nearly two hundred years ago Louis the 
Fourteenth sent the Governor of the Province 
leathern buckets to the value of two hundred 
crowns and a Dutch pump. Unfortunately 
Quebec has not kept pace with the modern im- 
provements in fire extinguishers and pays a ter- 
rible penalty for her negligence. 

Harvard University asserted its scholarship 
by the performance of the GLdipus Tyrannus of 
Sophocles in the original Greek at Sanders the- 
atre in May last. The play lasted for three 
hours, and was received with great applause. 
The strophes and antistrophes by the chorus 
were well rendered. 

The Massachusetts Historical Society held 
its regular May meeting in the Dowse Li- 
brary. The Boston Daily Advertiser of the 3d 
June reported in full the eloquent address of 
Mr. Winthrop on taking the chair at the May 
meeting, on his return from a visit to Wash- 
ington. In the brief period of three weeks he 
had been called to mourn the loss of several 
valued friends, to each of whom he paid a trib- 
ute in his usual graceful and felicitous manner. 
Among these were Dr. Alexander Hamilton 
Vinton, of Philadelphia, the Hon. Hugh Blair 
Grigsby, of Virginia, Dr. John Gorham Palfrey, 
of Massachusetts, and Charles Hudson, of the 
same State, a most capable and industrious local 
historian and member of the Society. 

Resolutions of respect to the memory of the 
three last named were adopted. A miniature of 



John Gray, the owner of the rope-walk formerly 
at the foot of the Common, and actor in the 
Boston Tea Party, was presented on behalf of 
Mrs. E. G. Parker. A catalogue was also pre- 
sented from the records of Kings' Chapel of 
the Library, given by King William III. to it 
'■ — of which a portion is now in the Boston 
Athenaeum — the only library of that period 
now preserved in Boston. Mr. Winthrop made 
allusion to the original portrait of John Hamp- 
den, which is in the Executive Mansion at 

The June meeting was held Thursday, the 9th, 
in the Dowse Library, the President in the Chair. 
A gift to the cabinet was reported from James 
Lord Bowes, of Liverpool, of a revolutionary 
relic; a powder-horn, inscribed "Lynn, March the 
9th, A. D. 1776. Major Samuel Selden"s P. Horn, 
made for the defence of liberty," and adorned 
with a plan of the British defences and the 
American works on Boston Neck. The Presi- 
dent presented a copy of the Biography of Count 
Adolphe de Circourt (the French translator of 
Bancroft's History of the United States), by his 
friend, Colonel Hubert Saladin, now in his 83d 
year ; a privately printed memoir. The appen- 
dix contains a list of the Count's writings, com- 
prising nearly two hundred and fifty titles and 
twenty-six still unpublished manuscripts. Mr. 
Charles Deane gave a bibliographical account of 
the volume published by the younger Gorges, 
" America Painted to the Life, with some criti- 
cal remarks." Mr. Ellis Ames spoke of the 
death of General Poor of Exeter, N. H., in 
1 781, while in the army of the revolution, which 
was ascribed to putrid fever. This he had as- 
certained to be an error, the fact being that Gen- 
eral Poor was killed in a duel by the Rev. Mr. 
Porter, then a Major in command of troops from 
Bridgewater, and an elder brother of the Rev. 
Eliphalet Porter of Roxbury. He was relieved 
from duty after General Poor's death, but was 
appointed as escort to Lafayette on his return to 
France in the succeeding winter. He afterward 
embarked for Curacoa for merchandise, but was 
never heard of after. His military career began 
5th May, 1775, when the report came of an 
alarm from the British at Weymouth. Mr. 
Tuttle informed the Society that in the course of 

a recent visit to Bermuda he had examined the 
records of that colony from 1616, finding, among 
other things, conveyances of Indian slaves, who, 
from the dates, were probably Pequots, survivors 
of King Philip's war, who were sold into slavery 
by order of the General Court of Massachusetts. 
The Society then adjourned until September. 

An interesting historical coincidence relating 
to the observance of the Fourth of July in 1774, 
has recently been discovered by the Historical 
Society of Rockland County, N. Y. A conven- 
tion was held at the Mabie House, Tappan, on 
the Fourth of July, 1774, when resolutions were 
adopted protesting against the Boston Port Act, 
and recommending in retaliation the Non-Im- 
portation Agreement. The 107th anniversary of 
this event was duly observed by the society on 
the 4th of July at Tappan. A paper was read 
by the secretary relating to the revolutionary 
history of Rockland County or Orange County, 
south of the mountains, covering a period from 
1775 to the close of 1776, and an oration deliv- 
ered by Rev. Dr. Gunning, Vice-President of 
the Society. 

The Historic Genealogical Society held 
its monthly meeting at Boston, Wednesday, 
June 1st, the Hon. Marshall P. Wilder pre- 
siding. A resolution, offered by the Hon. N. 
F. Safford, protesting to the city authorities 
against the proposed demolition of the old State 
House, was unanimously adopted. The paper 
of the day was by the Rev. F. W. Holland of 
Cambridge, on ' ' The Causes of the Reaction in 
England from Republicanism and Puritanism." 
It began with a statement of the national achieve- 
ments of England during the five years of Crom- 
well's protectorate, which raised her to the high- 
est pinnacle of influence, yet he had hardly been 
dead a year when the same majority of voices 
that demanded a republic welcomed the return 
of the monarchy. The causes of this sudden 
change, Mr. Holland considers to be the failure 
of Cromwell to provide for due succession of his 
power. This failure again he held to be due, 
not to want of prescience in Cromwell, but to 
the fatalism of his belief, in which he was en- 
couraged by the Calvinistic clergymen who sur- 



rounded him, that his life would be spared until 
his mission was fully accomplished. There were 
other reasons for the failure of the republic ; the 
opposition of the clerical party, the sectarian 
dissensions of the dissenters themselves, the di- 
visions in the army, which were so aggravated 
just prior to the Restoration, that the cavalry 
and infantry came to actual conflict in the sub- 
urbs of London ; the hostility of the Puritans to 
the popular sports of the people, and finally, be 
it ever remembered as a warning, the corruption 
of Parliament. He might have added the class 
subordination, fastened by the Norman con- 
queror upon the institutions of England, which 
is to-day the strongest obstacle to the establish- 
ment of a republic. No Englishman can long 
endure an order of society in which he has not 
some one to look up to, and some one to look 
down upon; in which he may be looked up to 
and down upon in turn. 

The Maine Historical Society held its Spring 
meeting in two sessions, at the Libraiy in 
City Hall, Portland, Wednesday, the 25th May, 
the President, Hon. J. W. Bradbury of Au- 
gusta, in the chair. Donations were reported 
since January 16th of 271 bound volumes and 
526 pamphlets, of a large framed lithographic 
portrait of the poet Longfellow, presented by him- 
self, and one of Commodore Preble, by Edward 
E. Preble. The Society very wisely propose to 
receive as loans family portraits and heir-looms, 
subject to the call of the owners. This is the 
true way to begin any public collection, whether 
library, gallery or museum. Families will gladly 
avail of a sure place of deposit, and few loans 
would ever be recalled. Due discrimination 
should be exercised as to the objects received. 
The Library has been visited by from two to 
three hundred persons in the last quarter, ren- 
dering the appointment of a person to take daily 
charge necessary. Miss Scammon has been em- 
ployed. It is proposed that a seal, with a 
Latin motto and the date of the incorpora- 
tion of the Society, 1822, should be agreed upon 
and made. B. K. Sewall, from the field-day 
committee of 1879 ana ^ 1880, reported at length 
the investigations made at Monhegan and Da- 
mariscove in 1879, and at Castine in 1880. The 

report for 1879 included a full account of the 
voyage of George Weymouth in the Archangel 
in 1605. In connection with that for 1880, Mr. 
Sewall presented to the Society, in the name of 
the heirs of Dr. J. L. Stevens, a valuable collection 
of gold coins discovered near Castine. On the 
second day of the proceedings George F. Tal- 
bot read a paper on the life of General John 
Chandler, the son of Joseph Chandler, a cap- 
tain in the seven years' war and in command of 
a company in that of the Revolution. John, 
who was born at Epping, N. H., entered the 
army early, and served out two enlistments as a 
soldier, besides being engaged on the privateer 
Arnold, which was captured while he was on 
her. In the war of 1812 he served as a briga- 
dier-general, and was engaged in several actions. 
He represented Massachusetts in the State Sen- 
ate and the lower house of Congress, in each of 
which he chiefly interested himself in legisla- 
tion concerning the military. He established 
the military arsenal at Augusta, and procured 
the building of the military road from Bangor 
to Houlton. He was a democrat of the old school, 
and held the post of Collector in the Portland 
Custom House from 1829 to 1837. He went 
early to Maine, and began a settlement in the 
town of Wales, later incorporated into the town 
of Monmouth, in Kennebec county. A member 
of the convention which framed the constitution 
of Maine, he was elected to the Senate of the 
State, and was made its President. He died, at 
his residence in Augusta, in 1841. His journal, 
from which the sketch was prepared, is deposited 
in the archives of the Society. James P. Baxter, 
of Portland, read a paper on Lovewell's Fight 
at Pequaket, an engagement, in which the 
bushrangers under Lovewell were surprised by a 
superior force of Indians in April, 1725, and 
Lovewell was killed. Mr. Baxter told his story 
without prejudice, and showed the English to be 
the aggressors. He also descredits the duel be- 
tween John Chamberlain and Paugus, who met 
his death at the hands of Seth Wyman. E. H. 
Elwell read a paper on the White Mountains, 
an account of which appeared in the Portland 
Advertiser for May 27. It was announced that 
the Trelawney papers were in the printer's 
hands, and will appear during the year. The 



biographical notice of the Hon. Peleg Sprague, 
assigned to the President of the Society, the 
Hon. James W. Bradbury, not being completed, 
will be submitted at the next meeting. The So- 
ciety has received as gifts, from Gen. James D. 
Fessenden, a cane cut at Mount Vernon in 1824, 
and another made from wood of the United 
States frigate Constitution, built in 1797 ; and, 
as a loan, the portrait of Senator William Pitt 
Fessenden, by Brunildi. 

At a meeting of the committee of the mu- 
nicipal authorities on public buildings, the Hon. 
Isaac Washburne and Gen. T. Marshall Brown 
appeared to procure a recommendation of an 
appropriation for the putting up of the rooms 
granted to the Society in the City building. 

The New York Historical Society held their 
regular monthly meeting Tuesday, June 7, 1881, 
in the hall of the Society. An interesting pa- 
per, prepared many years since by the late Judge 
John M. McDonald, distinguished for his untiring 
industry in gathering details for New York history 
during the revolutionary period, the title of which 
was " The Life and Character of the Marquis de 
la Rouerie," better known as the French famous 
cavalry officer, Colonel Armand, who marched 
as a volunteer in the attack on the British re- 
doubts at Yorktown, and to whose bravery Col. 
Hamilton bore willing testimony. The table 
business was of more than usual interest. 
Among the communications was the following, 
from John Austin Stevens, which was referred to 
the Executive Committee with power : 

New York, June 7, 1881 
Gentlemen of the New York Historical Society : 

I take leave to remind you of the approaching visit of 
M. Edmond de Lafayette and the Marquis de Rochambeau 
to this country; the former at the invitation of the United 
States by public resolution of Congress. There is rea- 
son to hope that these gentlemen, with other representa- 
tives of the French nation, our ancient ally, will visit 
the city of New York during their stay on the continent. 
The Legislature of Rhode Island, on whose soil the 
French contingent under the Count de Rochambeau 
landed in 1780, has authorized the Governor of that State 
to extend its hospitalities to the distinguished guests of 
the nation. No similar action has as yet been taken by 
the Legislature of New York, on whose soil the French 
army was encamped in the Summer of 1781, and again in 
the Fall of 1782 on its return. In its failure to take any 
official action, the duty devolves upon the citizens of 
the State. 

When General Lafayette came last to this cofintry, ir» 
1824, he landed at New York. On the 17th of August, 
three days after his arrival, he honored the New York 
Historical Society with a visit, and was received with 
affectionate ceremony. The tradition of this occasion is 
preserved by many who took part in it, and affords a 
happy precedent for the entertainment of his grandson, 
who is now not only the last surviving descendant of the 
General in the male line, but also the only living repre- 
sentative of the name of Lafayette. As the distinguished 
visitors will probably arrive during the vacation of the 
Society, I beg to suggest the appointment of a committee 
with power to extend its courtesies in an appropriate 
manner. I have the honor to remain, gentlemen, with 
sincere regard, your fellow-member. 

The Georgia Historical Society held its reg- 
ular meeting at Hodgson Hall, Savannah, on 
the evening of the 7th June. A numerous and 
interested audience was attracted by the lecture 
of Wm. S. Bogart on the Traditions and Rem- 
iniscences of Yorktown and the Siege. The 
Chatham artillery, which will visit Yorktown for 
the celebration, attended in a body. The Morn- 
ing News of Savannah of Tuesday, the 7th June, 
contains an analysis of the paper which appears 
to have been attractive in form as well as in- 
structive in matter. We regret extremely that 
this paper was not printed in full. Every item 
concerning Yorktown is of particular interest 
now. We hasten to correct the natural but un- 
fortunate error into which we were led by the 
unexplained announcement that the Georgia 
Historical Society had directed the sale of the 
"Society's Hoitse " in Bryan Street. A note 
from the Librarian, Mr. William Harden, states 
that this house has not been occupied by the 
Society since 1871, when it removed to occupy 
better and more central accommodations, in the 
building known as Armory Hall, in Bull Street. 
Here it remained until September, 1875, when 
the elegant building erected for the Society by 
Mrs. Margaret Telfair Hodgson as a memorial 
of her late husband, and called Hodgson Hall, 
was finished. This fine building with the lot on 
which it stands cost $50,000. As the Librarian 
says, "the Historical Society of the Empire 
State of the South is by no means without a 
home of its own." We rejoice that it is so. 

The Youths' Historical Society of Savannah 
has entered upon a new and attractive field, in 



which we hope it may find popular support suffi- 
cient for its laudable ulterior purpose. It proposes 
on the second and fourth Thursdays of each of 
the Summer months to hold an entertainment, 
consisting of literary and musical exercises. The 
first of these entertainments was given at their 
Hall, in Masonic Temple, Thursday evening, 
9th June, and was a complete success. A 
second, given on the evening of the 23d June, 
was also largely attended, and a most interesting 
affair. After some music, an address was de- 
livered by Mr. Emil Newman upon Literature 
in Business, in which he showed in convincing 
and eloquent words the necessity of a knowledge 
of books even to those engaged in commerce, 
and paid a due tribute of praise to the merchant 
princes of America, who have endowed colleges, 
schools and institutions for scientific and techni- 
cal training. The next entertainment was an- 
nounced for the second Thursday in July. This 
is an excellent example, and worthy of general 
imitation in our cities and towns. 

The Virginia Historical Society, Richmond, 
is making preparations for the large num- 
ber of visitors whom the Yorktown Centen- 
nial will attract to the peninsula, and is en- 
deavoring to increase its membership, its 
funds having been consumed in preparing 
the excellent chambers which have been pro- 
vided for it in the Westmoreland Club House. 
It proposes to publish this year the letters 
of Governor Spotswood in suitable form. The 
interests of this institution are carefully watched 
over by its secretary, Mr. R. A. Brock, and its 
claims pressed upon the citizens of the State 
through the columns of the Richmond Standard, 
which is one of the most readable literary news- 
papers in the country. 

The Executive Committee met on the 18th 
June, when large additions to the Library and 
Museum were reported. A resolution was adopt- 
ed requesting the Corresponding Secretary to 
communicate with the Historical Societies of 
the several States of the Union with a view to 
the proper representation of these societies at 
the approaching Yorktown Centennial. Weekly 
meetings of the committee were ordered. 

At the meeting of the 25th June a letter was 

read from the Hon. Alexander H. II. Stuart, of 
Staunton, proposing to present to the Society 
some thirty original letters written to his father. 
Judge Archibald Stuart, by Jefferson, Madison, 
Monroe, Marshall, and also a huge sword worn 
by his grandfather as Major of the Virginia 
Militia at the Battle of Guilford. 

THE Southern Historical Society, whose ad- 
mirable series of publications under the title of 
"Southern Historical Society Papers," is edited 
by its Secretary, the Rev. J. William Jones, is 
vigorously seeking a permanent endowment, an 
effort in which he has the hearty sympathy of 
historians North as well as South. 

The Licking County Pioneer Historical and 
Antiquarian Society during the month of May, 
1 881, reported its transactions in the Newark 
(Ohio) American of the 3d June. The transac- 
tions of the month of June were reported in the 
same journal under date of July 1. They were 
chiefly necrological in character and of purely 
local interest. 

The American Academy of Arts and Sciences 
held its annual meeting at Boston, Tuesday, 
May 28th, and elected officers for the ensuing 
year : President, Professor Joseph Lovering ; 
Vice-President, Professor Oliver Wendell 
Holmes ; Corresponding Secretary, Professor 
Josiah P. Cooke ; Recording Secretary, Professor 
John Trowbridge ; Treasurer, Theodore Ly- 
man ; Librarian, Samuel H. Scudder. 

The Quebec Morning Chronicle of the 2d 
June announces that, in addition to the cre- 
ation of the Royal Academy of Arts, under 
the auspices of His Excellency the Governor- 
General and H. R. Highness the Princess 
Louise, Lord Lome intends to found an Acad- 
emy of Letters on a plan analagous to that of 
the famous Academic Francaise. M. Le Moine, 
President of the oldest Historical Society in the 
Dominion, endorses the progressive scheme, and 
predicts its success and usefulness. MM. Jo- 
seph Marmette and Napoleon Legendre also hail 
the proposition with satisfaction, and engage 
their able assistance to carry it into effect. 



(Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, with 
Copies, Box 37, Station U — N. Y. Post Office.) 

French Protestants who fled to New England 
after the withdrawal of their religious rights by 
the revocation of the Edict of Nantes — at the 
close .of the seventeenth century. About twenty 
families are found in Boston in 1687. But New 
England soil does not seem to have been par- 
ticularly suited to them, and in 1748 the male 
worshippers, at the meeting house where Le 
Mercier preached, had fallen off to seven. Con- 
spicuous among the names of these colonists are 
those of Bowdoin, Sigourney and Faneuil. 
There were others, honest people, but of lesser 

In the chapter on Franklin the Boston Boy, 
the reader will find a compact, closely condensed 
account of this First of Americans, in which his 
early experience is pleasantly recited. The 
writer justly claims him as a Boston boy, for al- 
though he left his birthplace at the age of seven- 
teen, it was in the stern discipline of the Puritan 
city that his strong, shrewd character was 

Another attractive chapter is that on Life in 
Boston in the Provincial Period, which supplies 
the outlines for a work of an extended character. 
Sam Adams is properly selected as the very best 
type of the plain American. Indeed, in the 
whole range of American character it would be 
hard to find one more thoroughly representative 
than he unless in him, now nearest and dearest 
to the popular heart, our wounded President. 
Mr. Scudder does not supply the antithesis to 
Adams, but Copley's pictures are suggestive of 
abundant style both in matter and manner in the 
old commonwealth. 

The bibliophile will enjoy Goddard's account 
of the Press and Literature from 1692-1770 with 
fac-similes of early numbers of the Boston News 
Letter, the first of American journals, and of 
the Boston Gazette. 

The same elegance in typography, the same 
abundance of appropriate illustration which 
attracted attention in the first volume, is notice- 
able in this. It is needless to commend that 
which so thoroughly commends itself to the eye 
and the understanding as this Memorial History 
of the memorial city of our American civiliza- 

including Suffolk Couniy, Massachu- 
setts, 1630-1880. Edited by Justin Winsor 
in four volumes. Vol. II, The Provincial 
Period. Issued under the business superin- 
tendence of the projector, Clarence F. 
Jewett. Royal 8vo, pp. 577. James R. 
Osgood & Co. Boston, 1881. 
The first volume of this authoritative series of 
historical monographs appeared last year, and 
was noticed in these columns (VI. 315). The 
second covers the period of greatest interest to 
the general reader. The American, of American 
stock, whether he derive his origin from the 
settlers of the Northern or the Southern colonies, 
will always find a fascination in the story of the 
days when both were appanages of a common 
crown. The Provincial Period in the arrange- 
ment before us is divided into eighteen chapters, 
a recital of the titles of which will best give an 
.idea of the scope of the work. 

Chapter I. The Inter-charter period by Wil- 
liam H. Whitman; II. The Royal Governors, 
by George E. Ellis; III. French and Indian 
Wars, by Thomas Wentworth Higginson; IV. 
Witchcraft in Boston, by William F. Poole; V. 
Lord Bellomont and Captain Kidd, by Edward 
E. Hale; VI. The Religious History of the 
Provincial Period, by Alexander McKenzie; 
VII. The French Protestants in Boston, by 
Charles C. Smith; VIII. Franklin the Boston 
Boy, by George M. Towle; IX. The Mather 
Family and its Influence, by Henry M. Dexter ; 
X. Charlestown in the Provincial Period, by 
Henry II . Edes ; XL Roxbury in the Provincial 
Period, by Francis S. Drake; XII. Dorchester in 
the Provincial Period, by Samuel J. Barrows ; 
XIII. Brighton in the Provincial Period, by Fran- 
cis S. Drake; XIV. Winnisimet, Rumney Marsh, 
Pullen Point and Chelsea in the Provincial Period, 
by Mellen Chamberlain ; XV. The Press and 
Literature of the Provincial Period, by Delano 
A. Goddard; XVI. Life in Boston in the Pro- 
vincial Period, by Horace E. Scudder; XVII. 
Topography and Land Marks of the Provincial 
Period, by Edwin L. Bynner; XVIII. Boston 
Families of the Eighteenth Century, by William 
H. Whitmore. 

The chapters upon local history, as will be 
observed by those who have examined the first 
volume, have been intrusted to the same capable 
hands, thereby securing continuity of plan and 
treatment within clearly defined limits, the essen- 
tial conditions of monographic presentation. 

Among the subjects which have hitherto re- 
ceived less attention is specially notable that 
which relates the story of the small band of 

Revolution. Battalions and Line, 1775— 
1783. Edited by John Blair Linn and Wil- 
liam H. Egle. 8vo, pp. 805. Lane S. 
Hart, State Printer. Harrisburg, 1880. 

Attention was invited, to the first volume of 
this series, in the Magazine (VII, 75). As the 
centennial anniversary of the last battle of the 



Revolution approaches, and investigations are 
undertaken to ascertain precisely what military 
organizations were present, the lamentable fact 
is discovered that it is an extremely difficult, if 
not impossible task. The organization must be 
first determined, after which muster-rolls only 
can furnish the names of the line officers. This 
work has been admirably done for Pennsylvania, 
and the example must be followed for each one 
of the thirteen original States. 

The volume before us begins with the New 
Eleventh of the Continental Line, January 13, 
1779-January 17, 1 78 1. The German Regiment, 
July 1 776- 1 78 1. Next follows the corps of 
Count Von Ottendorff, 1 776-1 780. Pennsylva- 
nians in Col. Hazen's Regiment, *' Congress' 
Own," 1776-1783. Independent Companies 
raised in the valley of Wyoming and attached to 
the Connecticut Line. Pennsylvanians in the 
Commander-in-Chief's Guard, 1 776-1 783. Moy- 
lan's Regiment of Cavalry, 1 777-1 783. Ar- 
mand's First Partisan Legion, 1777-1783. 
Pennsylvanians in Pulaski's Legion, 1778- 1783. 
In Lee's Partisan Corps, 1778-1783. Provost 
Guard, Von Heer's Light Dragoons, 1778-1783. 
Continental Line Pennsylvania Artillery, 1775— 
1776. Fourth Regiment of Artillery, 1777— 
1783. Independent Company of Artillery, 1777— 
1783. Artillery Artificers, 1777-1783. The 
Invalid Regiment, Col. Lewis Nicola, 1777- 


Then follow, under a separate title, the 
Orderly Books of the Pennsylvania Line in the 
war of the Revolution, which comprises those of 
the First, annexed to which are Diaries of the 
Revolt of the Pennsylvania Line in January, 1 78 1, 
Diaries of the Line from 1781-1782, and Muster- 
Roils of the Ranging Companies, with a list of 
Pennsylvania Pensioners in 1789 and 1813. A 
general Name index completes the paged vol- 
ume. In addition there is a fac-simile of the 
original subscription of the members of the 
" Society of the Cincinnati, Penn. Line, 1783," 
from the documents in the possession of the 
Dauphin County Historical Society. 

The titles of the several parts of this work 
are given that the historical enquirer may know 
precisely what he may and what he may not 
find. Of course it is not complete. It may 
never be made complete, but a long step will be 
taken towards this most desirable end, if general 
attention be awakened to the importance of 
sending in to the editors every additional docu- 
ment. There are doubtless many extant which 
may be discovered among public or private 
papers. It is a mistaken idea to suppose that 
any individual has a moral right to withhold 
such papers. The officers who kept the muster- 
rolls were public servants, the rolls record the 
names of the soldiers confided to their care, and 
should therefore be made public, even though the 
originals be retained in private keeping. Every 

student of American history is indebted to the 
skillful and industrious historians who have 
edited these volumes. 

New England Historic Genealogic So- 
ciety Towne Memorial Fund. Volume L, 
1845-1852. 8vo, pp. 533. Published by the 
Society. Boston, 1880. 

On the 1st January, 1864, William Blanchard 
Towne, of Boston, Massachusetts, gave to the 
New England Historic Genealogic Society the 
sum of one thousand dollars to be placed in trustas 
the Towne Memorial Fund, the income of which 
to be devoted to the publication of biographies 
of deceased members in the discretion of the 
society. In 1870 Mr. Towne added one thousand 
dollars to the original amount, and in 1878, the 
fund having increased to four thousand dollars, 
the first volume was undertaken. The com- 
mittee having determined that the memorials be 
printed in chronological order, the present 
volume is confined to those of all the members 
who died during the first eight years of the exis- 
tence of the society — from 1845 to 1852 inclu- 
sive. Among these will be found sketches of 
John Quincy Adams, by Charles Francis Adams; 
Harrison Gray Otis, by Augustus T. Perkins; 
Albert Gallatin, by Henry Adams; Levi Wood- 
bury, by Charles Levi Woodbury; Henry Clay, 
by Robert C. Winthrop; Daniel Webster, by 
Charles H. Bell, and Amos Lawrence, by Wil- 
liam M. Cornell. The typography is excellent, 
and the volume in every way creditable to the 

American People from the discovery of 
the Continent to the present time 
giving a clear account of their political, mill 
tary, moral, industrial and commercial life 
illustrated with portraits, charts, maps, etc. 
and containing marginal dates, statistical refer 
ences, and a full analytical index. i6mo, pp 
1018. Ford, Howard & Hurlbert. New 

The purpose of this admirable volume, which 
is too well known to need any extended com- 
ment, is to hold a middle line between the 
elaborate histories and the school compends; 
and to trace the direct influences which have 
moulded the character and the institutions, moral 
and political, of the Nation. Taking the facts as 
he found them related by the best authorities, Mr. 
Patton has drawn from them the lesson he seeks 
to convey. In a word the plan is that which was 
later adopted by John Richard Green in his 
History of the English People. We invite 

i 5 8 


special attention to chapter XXIV., on the char- 
acteristics of the colonists, as an excellent example 
of this method of historical presentation. In a 
few pages the moral and religious traits which 
were the peculiar fibre of our revolutionary an- 
cestors are brought into relief, and their influ- 
ence upon the movement of the Nation shown. 
The birth of a national sentiment from the 
throes of inward differences and outward pres- 
sure is discovered, and its gradual growth fol- 
lowed through the revolution to independence. 
The chapters which treat of the late civil war 
deserve the commendation they have received for 
discrimination and impartiality. They bear the 
stamp of a calm judicial mind. Here again in 
chapter LVII. we find a notice of the influences 
which moulded the characteristics of the Ameri- 
can people North and South. He who would un- 
derstand the rapid revolution in national thought, 
now assimilating with irresistible force into a 
homogeneous whole the hitherto discordant ele- 
ments of a common country, must take note of 
these causes. The thoroughness of this a simi- 
lation was manifested in a most striking manner 
in the universal throb which vibrated from every 
pulse of the Nation at the news of the attempt 
upon the life of its head. To use the favorite 
image of the great critic, Henri Beyle, this sud- 
den event crystallized the floating elements of 
national sentiment into a firm enduring substance 
clear as the crystal and firm as the rock. 

lors des fouilles faites par ordre du 
gouvernment dans une partie des fon- 
dations du College des Jesuites de 
Quebec. Precedee de certaines Observations 
par Faucher De Saint-Maurice. Accompagnee 
d'un plan par le capitaine Deville et d'une 
•photo-lithographie. 4to, pp. 48. Typo- 
graphic de C. Darveau, 82, rue de la Mon- 
tagne. Quebec, 1879. 

At the time of the destruction of the ancient 
Jesuit College, the workmen brought to light the 
foundation walls of that part of the cells which 
fronts the Basilica of Quebec, and discovered 
some human bones. On being informed of this 
fact the Hon. Henri Gustave Joly, Prime Min- 
ister and Commissioner of Public Works in the 
province of Quebec, immediately instructed M. 
Saint- Maurice to superintend the excavations. 
This is his report, preceded by an instructive 
paper upon the history of the Ancient College 
which was founded one year before that of Har- 
vard. Without any decisive evidence, there is 
reasonable presumption that the bones were dis- 
covered of Friar Jean Liegeois, who was mur- 
dered May 29, 1655 ; of Father Francois du 
Prou, who died at Fort St. Louis, Nov. 10, 1665; 

and of Father Jean de Quen, who died Oct. 1st, 
1658 ; beside these some bones remain which 
were pronounced to be those of women, no doubt 
belonging to religious orders. 

LUTION, 1775-1781. Historical and Mili- 
tary Criticism with Typographical Illus- 
trations, by Henry B. Carrington, 
Colonel, United States Army. Third thou- 
sand. 8vo, pp. 712. A. S. Barnes & Co. 
New York and Chicago, 1881. 
This work is now generally accepted as the 
standard authority upon the subject of which it 
treats. Col. Carrington visited the battle fields 
and compared the various authorities on the 
ground, and brings to the laborious task unflag- 
ging perseverance and rare impartiality of judg- 
ment. His narrative is always lucid and often 
brilliant, though he never falls into the too com- 
mon fault of sacrificing truth to effect. His 
maps have all been drawn under his own per- 
sonal supervision. 

India. Illustrated from original photographs. 
By E. Warren Clark. Small 8vo, p. 368. 
The American Tract Society. New York. 
There is nothing in this little volume to recall 
Jules Verne's Around the World in Eighty Days, 
although the route is partly the same. It is a 
plain unpretentious story by a traveller who had 
his eyes about him, who observed closely, and 
tells clearly what he saw, and who saw everything 
worth seeing. That portion of the book which 
gives his travels from Calcutta to the Himalayas 
and across India to Bombay is of special in- 
terest; the illustrations, which are numerous and 
well executed, give a clear idea of many of the 
marvels of architecture which attest the wealth 
and magnificence of the former rulers of the 

the Northwest, including the early 
history of Chicago, Detroit, Vincennes, 
St. Louis, Fort Wayne, Prairie du Chien, 
Marietta, Cincinnati, Cleveland, etc., 
etc., and incidents of pioneer life in the region 
of the Great Lakes and the Mississippi Valley. 
By Rufus Blanchard. 8vo, pp. 485. Cush- 
ing, Thomas & Company, Publishers. Chi- 
cago, 1880. 
This excellent history, which was published in 

four parts in the course of the years 1879-80, is 



now complete in one volume. Notices were 
made of the first part in this magazine, April, 
1880 [IV. 318], and of the second, third and 
fourth parts in April, 1881 [VI. 316]. To the 
completed volume is appended Washington's 
Journal of a Tour to the Ohio, in 1753, with an 
introduction and notes by the distinguished 
scholar, John G. Shea. The volume is illus- 
trated by plates and maps. 

States, by John Frost, continued to the 
inauguration of Gen. Garfield, by John G. 
Shea. Illustrated i2mo, pp. 503. R. 
Worthington. New York, 1881. 
This is a readable and satisfactory volume for 
popular use, and comprises the entire period of 
American history from the discovery by Colum- 
bus up to the inauguration of General Garfield. 
The work is necessarily confined to a narrative 
of events without philosophic deductions, but 
the writers both of the earlier and later portion 
are animated by a thoroughly national spirit, 
now the one thing needful in American his- 
tories. The tendency of the age is to specu- 
lative inquiry pushed to the verge of skepticism. 
1 1 is satisfactory to find a thorough condemnation 
of the conduct of the Tories during the war of 
the revolution. A series of questions at the foot 
of the several chapters fit this work for the use 
of schools. 

MENTS, Literature and Manners. 24 pp. 
312., with Appendix and Index and Maps. 
A. S. Barnes & Co. New York and Chicago, 

This is the third number of Barnes' brief his- 
torical series, the two which preceded it being 
respectively devoted to the United States ana 
France. The same plan which has met with 
approval in those volumes is pursued in this ; 
the subordination of the political history to that 
of the literature, religion, architecture, character 
and habits of each nation. An attractive feature 
is the introduction of chapters of a purely liter- 
ary character, devoted to the manners, customs, 
habits and daily life of the people. All pre- 
ceding histories are, in the main, records of the 
wars, intrigues, conquests, and alliances of Kings, 
to the almost total exclusion of any mention of 
the foundation upon which their power rested, 
and from whence their wealth, dignity and honor 
were derived. 

So much is this the case, that the first associa- 
tion which arises in the mind at the mention of 
any of the great historic nations of antiquity, is 
the name of such one of its rulers as may have 

impressed itself on his time, and on succeeding 
centuries, by the vigor of his personality, his 
successful deeds of arms and the extent of his 
conquests. The toiling myriads who remained 
at home doing the work of the artizan and hus- 
bandman are ignored, and their strong sons who 
followed the banner of the warrior King are for- 
gotten, while sculptured columns, majestic mon- 
uments, and stately periods of historic eulogy, 
commemorate and perpetuate the deeds and 
glory of the conqueror. In this subordination to, 
and absorption of the people, in the person of 
the ruler, is found the cause of the collapse and 
ruin of the vast Empires of antiquity, when the 
hand and brain that called them into being, met 
one mightier than itself, or succumbed to that 
power, to which prince and peasant must alike 
bow down. Now that the people has asserted 
its divine right to rule, and the individual leader 
is but one of the people, it is timely service 
done to show to the men of to-day the men 
of the past, as 'they were in themselves, in 
a light unobscured by the brilliancy of their 

Study, with such a text-book as this, should 
be a pleasure to the idlest youth, while the ma- 
tured and cultivated will find on every page 
wherewith to refresh the mind and replenish the 
stores of half-forgotten learning. The airange- 
ment is admirable ; the earliest sources of knowl- 
edge, as well as the latest discoveries in archae- 
ology, are called into requisition, the illustrations 
are by the most skillful artists and engravers, 
and the whole, under the able supervision of Mr. 
Thomas F. Donelly, is a lasting credit to the 
publishers. W. C. S. 

MISCELLANIES. By John Dean Caton. 
8vo, pp. 354. Houghton, Osgood & Co. 
Boston, 1880. 

Judge Caton retired from the Supreme bench 
of Illinois after a continuous service of twenty- 
two years. The labor and responsibility incident 
to the faithful discharge of the duties which 
devolve upon a judge of a court of last resort 
are so burdensome and wearing, that one, who 
has laid them down, would seem fully justified 
in seeking in privileged idleness the calm of 
retrospection and the serenity of contemplation 
which a life devoted to arduous pursuits would 
entitle him to indulge. His mind was of too 
vigorous a mould and his faculties too acute to 
permit him to rust in inglorious ease, and we have 
before us a portion of the fruits of his learned 
leisure, which show that he grows old without 
losing his zest for affairs, or his interest in ques- 
tions either speculative or practical. In politics 
he was a war democrat. The reader will rind 
more interesting matter than the discussion of 
old issues in the miscellanies, which form the 
bulk of the volume. W. C. S. 




Proceedings of the Legislature and His- 
torical Society of the State of Arkan- 
sas, and the Eclectic Society of Little Rock, 
Ark., fixing the pronunciation of the name 
Arkansas. Pamphlet 8vo. Printed for the 
Eclectic Society, Little Rock, Arkansas, 1881. 

Report uton Alaska and its People. By 
Captain George W. Bailey, of the U. S. Rev- 
enue Marine, giving statistics, &c, and of the 
commerce, ocean currents, etc. Pamphlet 8vo. 
Government Printing Office, Washington, 1880. 

Report of the Cruise of the U. S. Revenue 
Steamer Corwin in the Arctic Ocean. By 
Captain C. L. Hooper, U. S. R. M., Novem- 
ber 1, 1880. Pamphlet. 8vo. Government 
Printing Office. Washington, 1881. 

Memorial Biographies of the New Eng- 
land Historic Genealogical Society. 
Towne Memorial Fund. Volume I, 1845- 
1852. 8vo. Published by the Society. Bos- 
ton, 1880. 

Annual Report of the Board of Regents 
of the Smithsonian Institution for the 
year 1879. 8vo. Government Printing Office, 
Washington, 1880. 

Curious Schools, by Various Authors. D. 
Lothrop & Co., Boston, 1881. 

The Orderly Book of Colonel William 
Henshaw, of the American Army, April 20- 
Sept. 26, 1775, including a Memoir by Emory 
Washburn, and Notes by Charles C. Smith, 
with additions by Harriet E. Henshaw. 8vo. 
A. Williams & Co., Boston, 1881. 

A Brief Review of the Financial History 
of Pennsylvania, and of the Methods of 
Auditing Public Accounts, 1682-1881, by 
Benjamin M. Nead. 8vo. Lane S. Hart, 
State Printer, Harrisburg, 1881. 

Bibliography of Charlestown, Mass., and 
Bunker Hill. By James F. Hunnewell. 8vo. 
James R. Osgood & Co., Boston, 1880. 

The Memorial History of Boston, including 
Suffolk, Mass., 1630-1880. Edited by Justin 
Winsor, in four volumes. Vol. II. The Prov- 
incial Period. Royal 8vo. James R. Osgood 
& Co., Boston, 1881. 

Popular History of the United States. By 
John Frost. Continued to the inauguration of 
Gen. Garfield. By John G. Shea. 8vo. R. 
Worthington, New York, 1881. 

The Numismatic Directory for 1881. Also 
a List of Numismatic Societies, Authors, Pub- 
lications, etc. 8vo. Edited by Robert W. 
Mercer. Cincinnati, O., 1881. 

Florida ; its Scenery, Climate and His- 
tory, with an account of Charlestown, Savan- 
nah, Augusta and Aiken. Being a Complete 
Hand-book and Guide. By Sidney Lanier. 
i6mo. J. B. Lippincott & Co., Philadelphia, 

Memoir of Maj.-Gen. George H. Thomas. 
By Richard W. Johnson, Brig. -Gen. 8vo. J. 
B. Lippincott & Co., Philadelphia, 1881. 

The Life of George the Fourth, including 
His Letters and Opinions, with a view of the 
Men, Manners and Politics of His Reign. By 
Percy Fitzgerald, M.A., F.S.A. i6mo. Har- 
per & Brothers, New York, 1881. 

Political Eloquence in Greece. Demos- 
thenes ; with Extracts from His Orations and 
a Critical Discussion of the Trial on the Crown. 
ByL. Bredit. Translated by M. J. MacMahon. 
A.M. 8vo. S. C. Griggs & Co., Chicago, 

Literary Style and Other Essays. By Wil- 
liam Matthews, LL.D. 8vo. S. C. Griggs & 
Co., Chicago, 1881. 

Reports from the Consuls of the United 
States on the Commerce, Manufactures, etc., 
of their Consular Districts. No. 6 ; April. 
8vo. Government Printing Office, Washing- 
ton, 1 88 1. 


John Austin Stevens, Editor of the Magazine 
of American History, has published a York- 
town Centennial Hand-book, an historical and 
topographical guide to the Yorktown peninsula, 
Richmond, James River and Norfolk. For the 
cheap sum of twenty-five cents it supplies all the 
information that the traveler or general reader 
may require concerning this historic peninsula. 
It contains narratives of the campaign of the 
allies, biographies of the generals, the disposition 
and order of battle of the armies, with portraits, 
maps and plans. Account of all the proceedings 
of Congress, States and societies in reference to 
the Centennial. A complete guide to the Penin- 
sula and James River, with full descriptions of 
Williamsburg, Yorktown and Hampton, illus- 
trated by plans of the towns and a large number 
of pictorial views. For sale by The American 
News Co., New York, and by the author, whose 
address is Lock Box 37, Station D, New York 


Vol. VII SEPTEMBER 1881 No. 3 


September 6th, 1781 

THERE were several elements in the capture by assault of Fort 
Griswold at noon on the 6th of September, 1781, which combine 
to make it one of the most thrilling and tragic incidents in the 
war of the Revolution. 

The theatre of the tragedy was the summit of a lofty hill ; the actors 
were a little handful of embattled farmers on the one side, and on the 
other two of the best equipped, best disciplined regiments in a service 
that prided itself on its discipline and efficiency. A populous com- 
munity was the audience, and the accessories were peaceful fields, laden 
with golden harvests, a smiling bay, and a pillaged, ravished city in 
flames. The centennial anniversary of this event is soon to be cele- 
brated. Multitudes will assemble, civic dignitaries will be present, 
military display will add its pomp and circumstance to enhance the 
importance of the occasion. There seems to be a fitness then in 
recounting the heroic deeds of those who suffered in the massacre, 
chiefly in the simple, graphic language of the participants in it. The 
summer of 1781 closed with the brightest prospects for the Continental 
cause. Cornwallis at Yorktown, closely besieged in front by Lafayette, 
in the rear by Count de Grasse, with Washington but a few days' march 
distant, was already in the Continental grasp, his commander, Sir Henry 
Clinton, being left in New York by Washington's superior generalship, 
too far distant to render material assistance. In his dilemma Clinton 
determined on a feint, in the hope of recalling Washington from the 
south, and chose New London as the scene of his ruse de guerre. This 
town had sent out the most active and daring privateers 'that ever 
snatched a convoy from under the guns of a British frigate. Several 
rich prizes were then lying at its wharves, and its storehouses were filled 
with West India goods, provisions and military stores. Further, it would 


be a convenient base for certain predatory excursions into New England,, 
which it is probable Clinton had long meditated, but, most important of 
all, it was within a day's march of Lebanon, the quiet country town 
where dwelt Governor Jonathan Trumbull — Washington's " Brother 
Jonathan," — and which contained the little store and counting-house, 
which had long been recognized as the real " war office " of the Conti- 
nental Government, and the chief source of supplies for its army ; and no 
doubt the hope of disturbing " Mr. Trumbull " in his operations, and of 
ravaging the rich agricultural region near him, from which he drew his 
supplies, was one of the motives of the expedition. 

Clinton having decided on the locality for the blow, proceeded to 
put his designs in execution. Thirty-two transports and sloops-of- 
war were got ready, and placed under the command of Captain 
Brazeley of the frigate Amphion. The troops detailed for the expe- 
dition were the Thirty-eighth, Fortieth and Fifty-fourth Regiments 
of the regular army ; the regiment of Loyal Americans, under Colonel 
Beverley Robinson ; the American Legion Refugees, and a detach- 
ment of Yagers and artillery, comprising in all some two thou- 
sand men. To command this armament, Clinton selected Benedict 
Arnold, who was born and reared in Norwich, but thirteen miles dis- 
tant from the doomed town, and whose knowledge of its approaches, as 
well as his native ferocity of character, marked him as a fit instrument 
for the leadership. Arnold had but just returned from the congenial 
employment of ravaging the Virginia coasts, and undertook the com- 
mission with alacrity. On the 4th of September, 1781, the expedition, 
thus organized and commanded, embarked on transports, and, led by the- 
Amphion and sloops-of-war, proceeded up Long Island Sound towards 
its destination. At 2 o'clock in the afternoon of the 5th the fleet came to 
anchor in Gardiner's Bay, on the Long Island coast, nearly opposite 
New London, and about thirty miles distant. Here it lay until 7 o'clock 
in the evening, when it set sail for the harbor, taking advantage of 
the southwest breeze, which in the afternoon, through the summer and 
autumn months, blows with the regularity of the trade-wind. This 
breeze Arnold calculated would place his fleet before the town by 
two o'clock in the morning, when a bold stroke might capture it. 
But nature refused her aid ; the wind died away a few hours after 
he set sail, and at dawn the watchers in Fort Griswold discovered 
his fleet in the Sound, at some distance, bearing down upon the 
town. Orderly Sergeant Rufus Avery had charge of the garrison 
in Fort Griswold on this eventful night. At three in the morning 


he discovered the hostile fleet beating into the harbor, thirty-two in 
number — " ships, brigs, schooners and sloops" — and immediately com- 
municated the startling news to Colonel William Ledyard, Commander- 
in-Chief of the harbor defences. This brave officer had ample cause for 
concern. The handful of militia and continentals under his command 
scarcely exceeded one hundred and fifty men, and although there were 
several companies of raw levies within signaling distance, they could 
be little depended on in a contest with regular troops ; nor were the 
defences of the town such as its importance would seem to have 
demanded. On the New London side, near the entrance to the harbor, 
was a breastwork or water battery ,. open behind, and untenable if attacked 
from the rear. This, called Fort Trumbull, in honor of the Governor 
of the State, occupied the site of the present fort of the same name. 

Directly across the Thames from this battery, on the summit of 
Groton Hill, was Fort Griswold, a battery of considerable strength, 
and which, had it been properly manned, might have given a far differ- 
ent turn to the events of the day. There remains no more complete 
relic of the Revolutionary struggle than the grassy ramparts of this fort. 
The pickets, platforms and barracks are dust, but the ramparts are as 
perfect as when left by the hand of the builders. The tourist, who 
inspects these solid walls, can but admire the skill and judgment of the 
farmer engineers who constructed them. The hill which they crown 
rises steeply from the water's edge to a height of several hundred feet, 
and commands the harbor and the city on the opposite shore, a mile 
away. The central area of the fort is nearly square, being 1 50 feet in 
length by no in width. The walls are of stone, ten or twelve feet in 
height, and sodded. On the wall was a row of pickets, projecting over 
twelve feet, and above these was built a parapet with embrasures for 
guns, and within, a platform for cannon. The entrance, twelve feet 
wide, was in the northern wall, and protected by a gate and a triangular 
battery, one hundred and twenty yards distant, on which was mounted a 
three-pounder. Bastions at each corner enfiladed the walls, and a ditch, 
thirty feet wide and seven feet deep, surrounded the fort except on the 
southwest, where a ledge of rock formed a natural wall. Half way down 
the hill-slope, towards the river, was a small battery, communicating by 
a covered way with the fort, but which was of no service at all except 
in case of a water attack. On the summit of Tower Hill, in the rear of 
the City of New London, a small earthwork, which, from its utter use- 
lessness as a means of defense, was called in vulgar parlance " Fort 
Nonsense," completed the defenses of the city. 


From the reports of Captain Lemoine and Lieutenant Horndon, of 
the Royal Artillery, it appears that Fort Trumbull was mounted with 
twelve iron 18-pounders, and three 6-pounders ; and Fort Nonsense with 
six 12 or 9-pounders, while Fort Griswold was provided with thirty-five 
guns — as enumerated by Captain Lemoine — one 18-pounder, two ex- 
pounders, fifteen 12s, one 6, one 3, three 4s, and on travelling carriages, 
three 4-pounders, four 6s, and two 12-pounders. The fort also contained 
80 pikes and 106 French muskets. 

Despite his meagre resources, however. Col. Ledyard at once began 
his dispositions for defence. Signal guns were fired announcing the 
enemy's approach, and expresses sent to the Captains of the different 
militia companies ordering them to hasten to the defense of the forts. 
None responded, however, and after waiting five hours, Col. Ledyard 
shut himself up with one hundred and thirty men in Fort Griswold, 
leaving to Captain Adam Shapley and his company of twenty-three artil- 
lerists the defence of Fort Trumbull. At ten the enemy began landing 
his troops. Arnold landed his force in two divisions, one on the New 
London and the other on the Groton side. The first, under his own 
command, comprised the 38th regiment, the Loyal Americans, the 
American Legion Refugees, and a detachment of sixty Yagers or Ger- 
man riflemen. The second, under Lieut.-Colonel Eyre, consisting of the 
40th and 54th regiments, the third battalion of New Jersey (Loyal) Vol- 
unteers, and a detachment of Yagers and artillery, was intended for the 
assault of Fort Griswold. 

I shall first follow the fortunes of Arnold's column. The spot where 
it landed is still pointed out to the tourist, near the lighthouse, about 
three miles below the city. On landing, Arnold immediately put his 
column in motion, and when nearly opposite Fort Trumbull, detached 
Captain Millet with four companies of the 38th regiment to carry the 
fort. Sturdy Captain Shapley, who commanded the fort, seeing himself 
likely to be overpowered, spiked his guns, and with his twenty-three 
men embarked in boats and pulled for the Groton shore, not so quickly, 
however, but that several of his men were wounded before getting out 
of the enemy's range. Arnold, in the meantime, with the rest of the 
column, marched along the main road leading to the village to the west- 
ward of Fort Trumbull, and pausing but a moment to capture Fort 
Nonsense, near his line of march, was in a few moments in undisputed 
possession of the town. 

Between the sea and the foot of the headlands or series of hills on 
which New London is chiefly built, is a level plateau, now known as 


Water Street, then called the Beach, which was the business portion 
of the city. Here were the docks, shipping, warehouses, stores and 
offices of the merchants; the warehouses filled with West India 
goods, rich cargoes of captured vessels, and provisions and munitions 
of war stored here by the patriotic Trumbull. This point was first 
occupied by the enemy, who applied the torch in a dozen different 
places at once, so that in a few moments the whole vast accumulation of 
property was a mass of flame. Not satisfied with this, the troops 
scattered in small bands along the mill-cove and the hill-sides, where were 
many pleasant, even elegant, private residences, and enacted much the 
same scenes of burning and rapine as had been witnessed at Fairfield 
and West Haven, two years before. 

Arnold, however, was not with the pillagers. Accompanied by a 
small detachment, he had swept through the shaded village streets and 
gained the summit of the hill in the rear of the town. By the old 
churchyard he paused to cast an anxious eye over toward the Groton 
heights, where, grim and defiant, Ledyard and his band of martyrs stood 
awaiting the onset of the foe. To gain a better view, it is said, Arnold 
stood upon the tomb of Governor Winthrop, near the northern wall. 
Perhaps there is no more dramatic figure in American history than 
Arnold presented at this moment, 

From this position, Arnold with a field-glass could study critically the 
earthwork on the Groton Heights, which he had ordered Colonel Eyre 
to assault, and discovered at once that it was far stronger and contained 
a much larger garrison than his Tory advisers had described. In his 
report of the battle he says that he at once dispatched an aid to Colonel 
Eyre, countermanding the order of assault ; but if so, the messenger 
arrived too late. At this time, however, Eyre had not led his regu- 
lars to the assault of the fort. He had landed without opposition at 
Groton Point, three miles from the fort, and marched his column to a 
thick wood, about a mile southeast, where he halted for an hour. At 10 
o'clock he sent a flag of truce, demanding the instant surrender of the 
fort. Forty rods from the walls it was halted by a musket ball fired 
before it, and Captains Elijah Avery, Amos Stanton and John Williams 
were sent out to receive the message. Before returning an answer, Col- 
onel Ledyard called a council of his officers. He was a resolute man. 
11 If I must lose to-day honor or life," he had remarked as he stepped 
into the boat which conveyed him from New London to the fort that 
morning, "you who know me well can tell which it will be." Many 
others had come with a like resolve. There was Captain William 


Latham, who had seen service at Bunker Hill ; Captain Adam Shapley, 
a bold privateersman and an excellent gunner ; Captain Amos Stanton, 
a man of herculean frame and of indomitable spirit ; and there were 
the Allyns, the Averys, Williams, Burrows, Moore, Perkins, Lewis, 
Ward, Chapman, Halsey, and scores of other names that one may read 
on the lofty granite pillar erected to their memory, hard by the scene of 
their exploits. Colonel Ledyard could muster one hundred and fifty men 
in the fort ; the attacking party numbered eight hundred. Surely there 
could have been no dishonor in yielding with such odds against them ; 
but not a man in the deliberating council was found to advocate this 
course, and the answer was returned " that the fort would not be given 
up to the British." Eyre immediately sent a second message, declaring 
" that if he was obliged to take the fort by storm, he should put martial 
law in full force ; that is, what we do not kill by ball shall be put to 
death by sword and bayonet." 1 " We shall not give up the fort," said 
Ledyard in reply, "let the consequences be what they may." Eyre 
then divided his troops into two divisions for the assault, taking com- 
mand of the first himself, and entrusting the second to Major Mont- 
gomery of the Fortieth Regiment. Colonel Eyre formed his column 
behind the ledge of rocks, which now forms the eastern boundary of 
the Ledyard cemetery, about one hundred and fifty rods southeast of 
the fort. Major Montgomery's column was formed in the rear of a 
hillock, a short distance from this point. At the word of command the 
battalions sprang gallantly forward and up the hill, Eyre leading his 
column toward the southwest bastion, where, from the falling away of 
the ground, there was no ditch, while Montgomery advanced farther 
toward the north, where was the redoubt with its main entrance to the 
fort. Captain Elias Halsey, an old privateersman, who had smelt 
powder in the French and Indian wars, stood on the ramparts by his 
eighteen-pounder, loaded with grape and canister, as the British 
advanced, and when they were but a few yards distant discharged 
it into their ranks. This discharge made a fearful rent in the 
column, and laid twenty men, dead and wounded, on the ground. 
The solid mass, broken by this loss of men and officers, wavered for 
a moment, then broke into squads and dashed up under the very walls 
of the fort. Montgomery was equally prompt, and at the same moment 
his division struck the northeast bastion, thus investing the fort on all 
four sides at once. 

A terrible struggle ensues. The ditch is full of infuriated men, 
shouting, cursing, tearing away the pickets, seeking to force an entrance 


through the embrasures of the guns. The besieged are not idle; 
the nine-pounders on the bastions, enfilading the ditch, are discharged 
into the struggling mass with terrible effect ; round-shot and other 
available missiles are thrown from the ramparts ; boarding pikes 
are thrust through the embrasures to repel the invader. First-Ser- 
geant Stephen Hempstead is in command of an eighteen-pounder 
on the south side of the gate, and while in the act of sighting his 
piece a ball passes through the embrasure, strikes him a little above 
the right ear, grazes the skull, and cuts off some of the veins, which 
bleed profusely. A handkerchief is tied about the wound, and he con- 
tinues at his duty. At the southwest bastion, which bears the brunt of 
.several fierce assaults, Captains Shapley and Richards, with Lieutenant 
Chapman and a score of other brave spirits, gallantly withstand the 
assault. At the moment of surrounding the fort the enemy had 
" marched at a quickstep " into the little battery, of which we have 
spoken as protecting the main entrance ; but here the garrison sent such 
heavy and repeated discharges of grape into their ranks that they broke 
into platoons and made a dash for the walls ; at the same time a soldier 
attempted to open the gates, but was shot down in an instant. Forty 
minutes of fierce fighting followed. Colonel Eyre was mortally 
wounded ; Montgomery was killed at the bastion by a pike in the 
hands of Jordan Freeman, a gigantic negro slave. Twice the enemy had 
t>een driven back, when, at the critical moment of the second 
repulse, a shot cut the halyards and brought down the flag. This 
the enemy regarded as a token of submission, and returned to the 
attack. The sequel Sergeant Avery gives so graphically and concisely 
that I adopt his narrative literally. 

"Now I saw the enemy mount the parapets all at once seemingly. They swung their hats 
around and discharged their guns into the fort ; then those who had not fallen by ball they began 
to massacre with sword and bayonet. I was on the west side of the fort with Captain Edward 
Latham and Mr. C. Latham, standing on the platform, and had a full view of the enemy's conduct. 
I had then a hole through my clothes by a ball, and a bayonet went through my coat to my flesh. 
The enemy approached us, knocked down the two men I mentioned with the britch of their guns, 
.and I expected had ended their lives, but did not. By this time that division which had been com- 
manded by Montgomery, now under charge of Bloomfield, unbolted the gates, marched into the 
fort and formed in solid column. I at this moment left my station and went across the parade 
towards the south end of the barracks. I noticed Colonel William Ledyard on the parade, stepping 
towards the enemy and Bloomfield, gently raising and lowering his sword as a token of submission. 
He was about six feet from them when I turned my eyes off from him and went up to ihe door of 
the barracks and looked at the enemy, who were discharging their guns through the windows. It 
was but a moment that I had turned my eyes from Colonel Ledyard and saw him alive, and now I 
saw him weltering in his gore. * * * We are informed that the wretch who murdered him 
exclaimed, as he drew near, ' Who commands this fort ? ' Ledyard handsomely replied, ' I did, but 


you do now,' at the same moment handing him his sword, which the unfeeling villain buried in his 
breast. The column continued marching toward the south end of the parade, and I could do no 
better than to go across the parade before them amid their fire. They discharged three platoons as 
I crossed before them at this time. I believe there were not less than five or six hundred of the 
British on the parade and in the fort. They killed and wounded every man they possibly could, and 
it was all done in less than two minutes. I had nothing to expect but to drop with the rest. One 
mad-looking fellow put his bayonet to my side, swearing that ' by Jesus he would skipper me.' I 
looked him earnestly in the face and eyes, and begged him to have mercy and spare my life. I 
must say I believe God prevented him from killing me, for he put his bayonet three times into me, 
and I seemed to be in his power as well as Lieutenant Enoch Stanton, who was stabbed to the heart 
and fell at my feet at this time. I think no scene ever exceeded this for continued and barbarous 
massacre after surrender. There were two large doors to the magazine which made a space wide 
enough to admit ten men to stand in one rank. There marched up a platoon of ten men just by 
where I stood and at once discharged their guns into the magazine among our killed and wounded, 
and also among those who had escaped uninjured ; and as soon as these had fired, another platoon 
was ready, and immediately took their place when they fell back. At this moment Bloomfield came 
swiftly around the corner of the building, and raising his sword with exceeding quickness, exclaimed, 
1 stop firing or you will send us all to hell together.' I was very near him when he spoke. He 
knew there must be much powder deposited in and scattered about the magazine, and if they con- 
tinued throwing in fire, we should all be blown up. I think it must before this have been the case 
had not the ground and everything been wet with human blood. We trod in blood. We trampled 
under foot the limbs of our countrymen, our neighbors and dear kindred Our ears were filled with 
the groans of the dying, when the more stunning sound of the artillery would give place to the death- 
shrieks. After this they ceased killing and went to stripping, not only the dead, but the wounded 
and those who were wounded so bad as not to go off of themselves. Mr. Samuel Edgcomb, Jr., and 
myself were ordered to carry out Ensign Charles Eldridge, who was shot through the knee joints ; 
he was a very large, heavy man, and with our fasting and violent exercise of the day, we were but ill 
able to do it, or more than to sustain our own weight. ; but we had to submit. We, with all the 
prisoners, were taken out upon the parade and ordered to sit down immediately, or they would put 
their bayonets into us. The battle was now ended. It was about I o'clock in the afternoon, and 
since the hour of eight in the morning, what a scene of carnage, of anxiety and of loss had we 
experienced. The enemy now began to take care of their dead and wounded. They took off six 
of the outer doors of the barracks, and with four men at each door, they brought in one man at a 
time. There were twenty-four men thus employed for two hours as fast as they could walk. They 
deposited them on the west side of the parade, in the fort, where it was the most comfortable place, 
and screened from the hot sun which was pouring down upon us, aggravating our wounds, and 
causing many to faint and die who might have lived with good care. Side by side lay two most 
worthy and excellent officers, Captain Youngs Ledyard and Captain N. Moore, in the agonies of 
death. Their heads rested on my thighs as I sat or lay there. They had their reason well and spoke. 
They asked for water. I could give them none, as I was to be thrust through if I got up. 1 
asked the enemy who were passing by us to give me some water for my dying friends and myself ; 
as the well was near, they granted this request ; but even then I feared they would put something 
poisonous into it that they might get us out of the way the sooner ; and they had said repeatedly 
that the last of us should die before the sun set. * * * But I must think they became 
tired of human butchery, and so let us live. They kept us on the ground the garrison charged, till 
about two hours had been spent taking care of their men, and then ordered every man of us that 
could walk 'to rise up.' Sentries were placed around with guns loaded and bayonets fixed, and 
orders given that every one who would not in a moment obey commands should be shot dead 
or run through. I had to leave the two dying men who were resting on me, dropping their heads 
on the cold and hard ground, giving them one last and pitying look. Oh God, this was hard work! 


they both died that night. We marched down to the bank of the river so as to be ready to embark 
on the British vessels. There were about thirty of us surrounded by sentries. Captain Bloomfield 
then came and took down the names of the prisoners who were able to march down with us. 
Where I sat I had a fair view of the enemy's movements. They were setting fire to the buildings 
and bringing the plunder and laying it down near us. The sun was about half an hour high. I 
can never forget the whole appearance of all about me. New London was in flames. The inhab- 
itants deserted their habitations to save life, which was more highly prized. Above and around us 
were our unburied dead and our dying friends. None to appeal to for sustenance in our exhausted 
state but a maddened enemy — not allowed to move a step or make any resistance but with loss of 
life — an d sitting to see the property of our neighbors consumed by fire or the spoils of a tri- 
umphing enemy." 

Sergeant Avery, it will be remembered, was forced to leave his 
more severely wounded comrades in the fort to the tender mercies of 
the enemy. 

" These were soon gathered up and loaded into the large ammunition wagon that belonged to 
the fort, which twenty men then drew to the brow of the hill leading down to the river. The 
declivity is very steep for the distance of thirty rods to the river. As soon as the wagon began 
to move down the hill it pressed so hard against them that they found they were unable to hold it 
back, and jumped away as quick as possible, leaving it to thrash along down the hill with great 
speed till the shafts struck a large apple-tree stump with a most violent crash, hurling the poor dying 
and wounded men in a most inhuman manner. Some of the wounded fell out and fainted away ; 
then a part of the company where I sat ran and brought the men and wagon along." 

The above is Mr. Avery's account. Sergeant Stephen Hempstead, 
who was one of the wounded men in the wagon, in his published state- 
ment gives a slightly different version of the barbarous act. He says : 

11 Those that could stand were then paraded and ordered to the landing, while those that could 
not (of which number I was one), were put in one of our ammunition wagons and taken to the 
brow of the hill (which was very steep and at least one hundred rods in descent), from whence it 
was permitted to run down by itself, but was arrested in its course near the river by an apple tree. 
The pain and anguish we all endured in this rapid descent, as the wagon jumped and jostled over 
rocks and holes, is inconceivable ; and the jar in its arrest was like bursting the cords of life 
asunder, and caused us to shriek with almost supernatural force. Our cries were distinctly heard 
and noticed on the opposite side of the river (which is a mile wide) amidst all the confusion which 
raged in burning and sacking the town. We remained in the wagon more than an hour before our 
humane conquerors hunted us up, when we were again paraded and laid on the beach preparatory 
to embarkation ; but by the interposition of Ebenezer Ledyard, brother to Colonel Ledyard, who 
humanely represented our deplorable situation, and the impossibility of our being able to reach 
New York, thirty-five of us were paroled in the usual form. Being near the house of Ebenezer 
Avery, who was also one of our number, we were taken into it. Here we had not long remained 
before a marauding party set fire to every room, evidently intending to burn us up with the house. 
The party soon left it, when it was with difficulty extinguished, and we were thus saved from the 
flames. Ebenezezer Ledyard again interfered and obtained a sentinel to remain and guard us 
until the last of the enemy embarked — about 11 o'clock at night. None of our own people came 
near us till near daylight the next morning, not knowing previous to that time that the enemy had 
departed. Such a night of distress and anguish was scarcely ever passed by mortal. Thirty-five 
of us were lying on the bare floor, stiff, mangled, and wounded in every manner, exhausted with pain, 


fatigue, and loss of blood, without clothes or anything to cover us, trembling with cold and spasms 
of extreme anguish, without fire or light, parched with excruciating thirst, not a wound dressed, nor 
a soul to administer to one of our wants, nor an assisting hand to turn us during these long, tedious 
hours of the night. Nothing but groans and unavailing sighs were heard, and two of our number 
did not live to see the light of the morning, which brought with it some ministering angels to our 
relief. The first was in the person of Miss Fanny Ledyard, of Southold, L. I., then on a visit to 
her uncle, our murdered Commander, who held to my lips a cup of warm chocolate, and soon after 
returned with wine and other refreshments which revived us a little. * * * The 

cruelty of the enemy cannot be conceived, and our renegade countrymen surpassed in this respect, 
if possible, our British foes. We were at least an hour after the battle within a few steps of a 
pump in the garrison well supplied with water, and although we were suffering with. thirst, they 
would not permit us to take one drop of it, nor give us any themselves. Some of our number who 
were not disabled from going to the pump, were repulsed with the bayonet ; and not one drop did 
I taste after the action commenced, although begging for it after I was wounded, of all who came 
near me, until relieved by Miss Ledyard. We were a horrible sight at this time. Our own friends 
did not know us ; even my own wife came in the room in search of me and did not recognize me, 
and as I did not see her she left the room to search for me among the slain, who had been collected 
under a large elm tree near the house. It was with the utmost difficulty that many of them could 
be identified, and we were frequently called upon to assist their friends in distinguishing them by 
remembering particular wounds, &c. 

Being myself taken out by two men for this purpose, I met my wife and brother, who, after my 
wounds were dressed by Dr. Downer, from Preston, took me— not to my own house, for that was 
in ashes, as also every article of my property, furniture and clothing — but to my brother's, where I 
lay eleven months as helpless as a child, and to this day feel the effects of it severely." 

" Such " (concludes the worthy sergeant) " was the battle of Groton Heights, and such, as far as 
my imperfect manner and language can describe, a part of the sufferings which we endured. Never 
for a moment have I regretted the share I had in it. I would for an equal degree of honor, and 
the prosperity which has resulted to my country from the Revolution, be willing, if possible, to 
suffer it again." 

Arnold having burned and plundered the town of New London, 
captured the forts and massacred the garrisons, quickly collected his 
forces and re-embarked, hastened in his departure, no doubt, by a whole- 
some fear of the militia, which was rapidly gathering. His own wounded 
were first carefully rowed on board the ships, and then came the turn of 
the weak and wounded prisoners. I quote again from Avery's narrative: 

"Now the boats had come for us who could go on board the fleet. The officer spoke with 
a doleful and menacing tone ; ' Come, you rebels, go on board ! ' This was a consummation of all 
1 had seen and endured through the day. This wounded my feelings in a thrilling manner. . . . 
When we, the prisoners, went down to the shore to the boats, they would not bring them near, but 
kept them off where the water was knee deep to us, obliging us, weak and worn as we were, to 
wade to them. We were marched down in two ranks, one on each side of the boat. The officer 
spoke very harshly to us to "get aboard immediately." They rowed us down to an armed sloop, 
commanded by one Captain Thomas, as they called him, a refugee tory, and he lay with his vessel 
within the fleet. As soon as we were on board, they hurried us down into the hold of the sloop, 
where were their fires for cooking, and besides being very hot, it was filled with smoke. The 
hatchway was closed tight, so that we were near suffocating for want of air to breathe. We begged 
them to spare our lives, so they gave us some relief by opening the hatchway, and permitting us 


to come on deck by two or three at a time, but not without sentries watching us with gun and bay- 
onet. We were now extremely exhausted and faint for want of food, when, after being on board 
twenty- four hours, they gave us a , mess of hog's brains — the hogs which they took on Groton 
banks when they plundered there. After being on board Thomas' sloop nearly three days with 
nothing to eat or drink that we could swallow, we began to feel as if a struggle must be made in some 
way to prolong our existence. ... In the room where we were confined were a great many 
weapons of war, and some of the prisoners whispered that we might make a prize of the sloop. 
This in some way was overheard and got to the officers' ears, and now we were immediately put in 
a stronger place in the hold of the vessel, and they appeared so enraged that I was almost sure we 
should share a decisive fate, or suffer severely. Soon they commenced calling us, one by one, on 
•deck. As I went up they seized me, tied my hands behind me with a strong rope-yarn, and drew 
it so tight that my shoulder bones cracked and almost touched each other. Then a boat came 
from a fourteen-gun brig, commanded by one Steele. Into this boat I was ordered to get, without 
the use of my hands, over the sloop's bulwarks, which were all of three feet high, and then from there 
I had to fall or throw myself into the boat. My distress of body and agitated feelings I cannot 
•describe. They made us all lie down under the seats on which the men sat to row, and so we were 
conveyed to the brig. Going on board, we were ordered to stand in one rank by the gunwale, and 
in front of us was placed a spar, within about a foot of each man. Here we stood, with a sentry 
to each of us, having orders to shoot or bayonet us if we attempted to stir out of our place. All this 
time we had nothing to eat or drink, and it rained and was very cold. We were detained in this 
position about two hours, when we had liberty to go about the main-deck. Night approached, and 
we had no supper, nor anything to lie upon but the wet deck. We were on board this brig about 
four days, and then were removed on board a ship, commanded by Captain Scott, who was very 
kind to the prisoners." 

Arnold having embarked his forces, crossed the Sound and anchored 
his fleet under the lee of Plum Island on the Long Island shore, and 
the next morning proceeded on his way to New York. While at Plum 
Island he drew up his report to Sir Henry Clinton. One looks through 
this document in vain for any justification of his wanton destruction of 
life and property, or for an announcement of any substantial results of 
the victor}^. Eighty men were then lying dead in Fort Griswold, 
massacred by his troops, but this little episode he evidently deemed 
of too little importance to mention. He ascribes the destruction of 
private property (in New London, 65 houses, containing 97 families, 18 
shops, 20 barns and 9 public buildings ; in Groton, 1 school-house, 4 
barns, 2 shops and 12 dwelling houses) to " the explosion of powder, 
and a change of wind soon after the stores were fired," which " com- 
municated the flames to that part of the town, which was, notwith- 
standing every effort to prevent it, unfortunately destroyed." This 
denial goes for little, however, in face of the fact that in many instances 
houses situated at a great distance from any stores, and containing 
nothing but household furniture, were set on fire in spite of the earnest 
cries and entreaties of the women and children in them. The Connec- 
ticut Gazette for September 21, 1781, reported: "Indeed, two houses 


were bought off for ten pounds each, after an officer, who appeared to be 
a captain, had ordered them fired, which was the sum proposed by the 
officer, upon condition, however, that he should not be made known." 

Arnold's report gives us some interesting particulars of the British 
loss in the attack. Colonel Eyre, a brave officer and a favorite of Clin- 
ton, was fatally wounded, and died on board the fleet. Major Mont- 
gomery, one captain, one lieutenant, two ensigns, two sergeants and 
forty-four rank and file were killed, and two captains, one lieutenant, 
two ensigns, eight sergeants, two drummers and one hundred and 
twenty-seven rank and file wounded. As an offset to this loss, no 
military result of value was attained. 

Washington was not in the least disconcerted in his movements by the 
feint, and the only thing of moment accomplished by it seems to have 
been the destruction of the military stores and the eight or ten vessels 
that were unable to slip their cables and retreat up the Thames before 
the marauder struck them, and these could be very easily replaced. 

I have before spoken of the nearly perfect condition of the earth- 
work, about which the stirring events above described took place. 
Next in interest to the relic itself are the graves of its brave defenders, 
nearly all of whom lie within a radius of a mile or two of the scene of 
their death. Colonel Ledyard lies buried in the Groton cemetery 
which now bears his name, and which lies about four hundred and fifty 
yards southeast from the fort, in the rough formation known as the 
Amasa Packer's Rocks. His original tomb-stone was a slab of blue 
slate, which in 1854 was found to be so nearly destroyed by relic-hunters 
that Connecticut appropriated fifteen hundred dollars for the erection of 
a suitable memorial. The present monument was erected in accordance 
with that act. It consists of a base and shaft enclosed by an iron rail- 
ing, with posts cast in the form of cannon. On the west face of the 
shaft an unsheathed sabre in an inverted position is carved in relief. 
Across the cap of the base the word Ledyard in raised letters, and on 
the die beneath the following inscription : 

Sons of Connecticut 

Behold this Monument and learn to emulate 

the virtue, valor, and patriotism 

of your ancestors 

On the south face the die is inscribed : 












He fell in the service of his country 
Fearless of death and prepared to die. 

On the north face is inscribed : 


grave of COL. LEDYARD. 
Sacred to the Memory of W.ILLIAM LEDYARD, Esq. 
Col: Commandant of the garrisoned post of New London 

& Groton who after a gallant defence was with a part of 
the brave garrison, inhumanly Massacred by British troops 

in Fort Griswold Sep. 6, 1781, setatis suae 43. 

By a judicious and faithful discharge of the various duties 

of his station, he rendered most essential service to his 

Country : and stood confessed the unshaken Patriot and 

intrepid Hero : He lived the Pattern of Magnanimity : 

Courtesy : and Humanity : He fell the victim of 

ungenerous rage and cruelty. 

In 1830 the State of Connecticut set up a monumental shaft on 
Groton Heights, the scene of the conflict, which bears the following 
inscription upon a slab set into its base : 



IN MEMORY of the brave patriots 






In the First Cemetery, New London; the Starr Burial Ground, 
Groton ; the old cemetery, near Gale's Ferry ; the old burial ground 
at Allyn's Point ; the Turner ground in Ledyard ; at Noank, Pequonnoc, 
and in the old White Hall Ground on Mystic River, the tourist is con- 
tinually stumbling upon grassy mounds, some marked by quaint head- 
stones and some unmarked, which cover the dust of victims of " traitor 
Arnold's murdering corps." Some of the inscriptions on these stones 



are exceedingly pathetic ; and in their expressions of stern grief and 
indignation at the inhuman conduct of the foe, show how the settled 
dislike and hatred toward Great Britain, which endured for genera- 
tions after the Revolution, was produced. 






Zebulon and Napthali were a people that jeoparded their lives unto the death in the high 
places of the field. — Judges, V. 18. 

September 6th, 1781 

WILLIAM LEDYARD, Lieutenant-Colonel, Commanding 




CAPT. ADAM SHAPLEY, of Fort Trumbull. 





Note. — For years a marble slab on the south face commemorated the names of the slain, but 
becoming disintegrated by the weather, it was taken down and placed within the entrance to the 
base. It has lately been built into the wall on the inside, where it will long remain. Editor 


The name of Ledyard is indissolubly connected with the history of 
the country by the tragic fate of one of the sons of this old and worthy 
race ; the murder of Colonel William Ledyard, and the death of many 
of his kinsmen who fell with him in the defence of Fort Griswold, 
Groton and New London, their birth-place and home, against the 
paricidal raid of the renegade Arnold and his new-found companions. 
And here it is fitting, in justice to the British officers, to say that the 
American traitor was not a welcome recruit to their ranks. His com- 
panions they were perforce, his friends they scorned to be. His future 
life was a striking example of the unfailing truth, that though he who, 
through honest convictions, may take sides against his countrymen and 
kinsmen in a period of civil war, may not therefore lose their regard, 
yet he who abandons the cause he has once espoused, and for considera- 
tions of personal advantage deserts to the enemy and takes up arms 
against his companions, thereby forfeits his claim to conscientious 
motives, and can justly hold no other fame than that of his prototype 
who sold his master for pieces of silver. This is here insisted upon, 
because of late an effort has been made to seek condonation for the 
atrocity of Arnold's crime in an exaggerated estimate of his previous 
service, which a careful study will show to have been always controlled 
by personal motives. As well seek an apology for Judas in his life as 
an apostle, as to attempt to vindicate Arnold from the just despisal of 
mankind because of his previous conduct. The baneful connection of 
Arnold with the family of Ledyard is sufficient warrant for these words 
in this place. 

The name of Ledyard seems to have been Welsh, and although there 
is the authority of ancient usage for the more general English form of 
Lediard, as in the name of Lediard-Tregoze, the family seat, yet that 
found in the American branch has the warrant of closer conformity to 
its patronymic. Lord Edward Herbert of Cherbury, in his charming 
autobiography, makes mention of Llwydyard as a place in Wales, and it 
is hardly questionable that the Ledyards are a branch of the innumer- 
able race of Llwyds, or Lloyds, who trace their ancestry to the early 
Britons who fought with Arthur against the Saxon Kings. On the 
other hand, Bishop's Lydiard in Somerset appears in Domesday Book 


as Lidegar, whence the varieties of Ledgard, Ledgiard, Ledeard, ham- 
lets in England and Scotland. 

There is an element of romance in the history of many of the old 
American families, of which that of Ledyard has its full share. This 
arises from the close connection of families on the two sides of the water 
holding a common name, a common origin and bearing common arms, 
and from the destruction of church and family records in England during 
the many periods of civil commotion. The family of St. John, of whom 
the first Viscount Grandison was the first English peer, and whose bril- 
liant scion Henry St. John was the great Bolingbroke, prince of orators 
and letters, were of the Lydiard or Ledyard stock. Their family seat 
was Lydiard-Tregoze, a small village three miles from Swindon, in the 
county of Wiltshire. The old church at this place contains numerous 
monuments of the St. John family whose pedigree with their arms and 
<marterings is curiously painted on the folding doors on the north side of 
the chancel, and within these doors is also painted the tomb of St. John 
and his lady who died in 1594 and 1598. The descent of the St. Johns' 
is traced in a quaint pedigree, from which it appears that Tregoze was 
a well-known hereditary estate at the time of the Norman Conquest, 
that " Tregoze was a great baron in his age," and that marriage brought 
to the St. Johns' and 

11 Has kept the land of Lydiard in our race 
Where at this day is St. John's dwelling place." 

Henry St. John, Baron of Lydiard-Tregoze during his short period of 
favor as minister of Queen Anne, was created Viscount Lord Boling- 
broke, but, on her death and the fall of the Tory party, was attainted of 
high treason in 1714, and his estates confiscated. He was stripped of his 
titles and compelled to fly the kingdom. He had married Frances, 
daughter of Sir Henry Winchombe, who died leaving no issue. After 
a residence in France, where he married the Marquise de Villette, a 
niece of Madame de Maintenon, he returned to England. His estates 
were restored to him by Act of Parliament. He died childless in 175 1. 
Under the settlement established by Parliament his estates descended 
to the heirs of his father's body under the law of entail. The inheri- 
tance was contested and the case passed into the courts, where the great 
Bolingbroke cause, as it was called, was tried in the King's Bench in 
1807. The question turned upon which of the brothers was the eldest. 
The Attorney General proved that St. John was the eldest, and that he 
was the father of a son John who was lost. In this missing heir to the 


entail of St. John and the title of Bolingbroke is found the central point 
of the mystery which has for a half century disturbed the minds or 
excited the curiosity of the Lediards of England and of their " Kinsmen 
beyond sea." Who was the missing John Lediard, the "lost St. John," 
the rightful heir? Despairing of finding him in England, he has been 
sought for in America. The Hon. Horatio Seymour, who descends 
from the Ledyards, has been repeatedly importuned to urge the claims 
of the American branch to the vast estate. 

A similar cloud of mystery hangs over the parentage of John Led- 
yard, the first of the name in America. Sparks in his life of John Led- 
yard, the traveller, says that " his grandfather, named also John Ledyard, 
came in early life to America and settled at Southold, Long Island, as a. 
small trader in dry goods. He was a native of Bristol, England, and 
had been bred a merchant in London. Being prosperous in business at 
Southold, he was soon married to a lady of amiable qualities and good 
fortune, the daughter of Judge Youngs, a gentleman of character 
and influence in that place. From Southold he removed to Groton, 
where he purchased an estate and resided many years." Sparks 
is correct as to the relationship. John Ledyard, the traveller, 
was the grandson of the original settler, but there is quite another 
tradition in the family as to the occupation of the first emigrant, 
a tradition born out by the fact that his pursuits in Connecticut 
were not those of a trader. Not that there was or is anything 
derogatory in trade, but that his early education had been of a character 
which, rare in the colonies, fitted him for positions for which the train- 
ing of the higher faculties was necessary. He was born in England 
and in the year 1700, as the inscription on his tomb-stone in the old 
burial ground at Hartford, Connecticut, shows, but in what part of Eng- 
land is not known ; and it does not appear that he imparted that knowl- 
edge to his children, one of whom lived until 1846, and would surely 
have passed it to her children, some of whom survived until after 
1875. There is reasonable conjecture, however, that Sparks was right 
in his statement that he was born in Bristol, though it is not probable 
that it was more than reasonable conjecture on his part. Investigations 
were made in England about the year 1850 by Mr. George S. Ledyard,, 
of Cazenovia, who visited Wiltshire and found a remote kinsman in a 
Mr. John Ledyard Phillips, of Melksham, whose arms were the same as 
those handed down in this country, viz.: Arms, Ermine on a chevron 
or, five mullets gules. Crest; a. demi-lion rampant, argent, holding in 
his dexter paw a mullet gules. Motto, Per crucem ad Stellas. These 


were the arms which, painted on a carriage, attracted the atten- 
tion of John Ledyard, the traveller, in the streets of Bristol, from 
their similarity to those used by his grandfather in America. The 
same arms are borne by the Lediards of Chelsea, England. From 
information gathered from Mr. Phillips it appears that John Led- 
yard, of Wiltshire, married Elizabeth Hillard, of Bradford, Wilt- 
shire, in 1665, by whom he had two sons, Ebenezer and John ; the 
latter of whom married Sarah Windom, of Bristol, in 1690, and their son 
John married Sarah Allen, of Frome. It is supposed that the Ebenezer 
Ledyard above named married Miss Yarborough ; a lady of this name is 
known to have been the mother of the first John Ledyard, who emi- 
grated to America. The name of Yarborough appears also among those 
of the children of Colonel William Ledyard. Letters are extant from 
the first American John Ledyard, written from Groton in 1 739-1 741, 
to John Ledyard, Bristol, England, in which he addresses him 
as his cousin. He was probably the John who married Sarah Allen. 
The letters indicate great intimacy ; John Ledyard, of Groton, com- 
plains that " since his arrival in New England" he had no letters from 
any of his relations in London. He appears to have visited London the 
year before the first letter was written. Miss Caulkins, in her history of 
New London records, "26th Oct., 1738, John Ledyard, of Groton, sailed for 
England in a new snow built by Capt. Jeffrey." 

Further enquiries at Bristol resulted in ascertaining that the first of 
the name of whom there was any knowledge was John Ledyard, a mer- 
chant, of Bristol, who bought lands at Bradford, in Wiltshire, in 1658, 
part of which are in the possession of the Phillips branch of his descen- 
dants. There is a portrait of him in the possession of Mr. John Led- 
yard Phillips. He is painted in half armor with long auburn hair hang- 
ing in ringlets over it and wearing a blue sash. He was therefore prob- 
ably a royalist in those troublous times. He married Elizabeth Hillard, 
of Bradford, in 1665. The Morgan Genealogy gives some account of 
the Ledyard family. So also a biographical sketch of John Ledyard, 
the traveller, by Charles B. Moore, in the New York Genealogical and 
Biographical Record for January, 1876, and the writer of the present 
article supplied a paper for the same number, entitled " The Family of 
Ledyard, descendants of John Ledyard in two generations," compiled 
from notes taken from information from the widow of Gen. Ebenezer 
Stevens of New York, who was the daughter of the first John Ledyard 
of America, and not the grand-daughter, as incorrectly printed in the 
preliminary note to that paper. Mr. Moore, in his sketch, says that "John 


Ledyard, after visiting London, abandoned his household to seek his 
fortune by travel, came to Southold, Long Island, in 1717, and became 
first a teacher and then a trader there, a competitor, assistant or suc- 
cessor of the first L'Hommedieu, the successful merchant. He was a 
young traveller and well educated. He was prosperous in business and 
presentable in manners and person, and he married a daughter of Judge 
Benjamin Youngs, grandson of the Rev. John Youngs, one of the chief 
men of the place. * * * He removed in 1727 to New London or to 
Groton adjoining it in Connecticut, and thence afterward to Hartford." 
The tradition in the family is that John Ledyard commenced life in 
Groton as a teacher of Latin, and his later career supplies abundant 
evidence that his mind and attainments were of a high order. 

The family of Youngs was the most important of Southold. The 
Rev. John Youngs led the colonists who, in 1638, made the settlement on 
this the most eastern point of Long Island, then one of the towns in the 
jurisdiction of the New Haven Colony. The company under his guid- 
ance emigrated from Norfolkshire, chiefly from the towns of Southold 
and Great Yarmouth. Mr. Moore states that Youngs was of an old 
commercial family well known at Bristol, which may account for 
the selection of Southold by the youthful emigrant. It may be here 
noticed in passing that there is no statement or evidence of any previous 
family connection with any of the inhabitants of the Long Island village. 
Mr. Moore gives the date of John Ledyard's removal to Groton as 1727. 
If this be correct, it is probable that his marriage with Deborah, the 
only daughter of Judge Youngs, was of a later date, as the first offspring 
of the marriage, John Ledyard 2d, was not born until 1730. 

The name of John Ledyard first appears in the Public Records of 
the Colony of Connecticut in May, 1732, when he joined with Thomas 
Seymour, John Curtiss, John Bissell, Solomon Coit and others in a 
memorial to the Assembly for the charter of a " Society for the Pro- 
moting and Carrying on Trade and Commerce to Great Britain and his 
Majesty's Islands and Plantations in America and other of his Majestie's 
Dominions, and for encouraging the Fishery, &c, as well as for the 
common good as their own private interests," under the name of " New 
London Society, united for Trade and Commerce," which was duly 
granted. In May, 1731, he was appointed by the Assembly one of the 
Justices of the Peace for the County of New London, and was succes- 
sively so appointed each year till 1749. In 1739 Messrs. Thomas Pren- 
tice, John Ledyard and Christopher Avery 2d were appointed a Com- 
mittee for the defence of the Port at New London and the security of 


the seacoasts, to provide for and bring to the battery at New London 
"ten good cannon," with their carriages and ammunition, and in 1740 
to procure ten additional pieces for the same battery. In 1741 he was 
the Auditor of the Superior Court, with Gurdon Saltonstall and Joseph 
Coit. He was chosen Deputy for Groton in the General Assembly, 
held at Hartford, May 13, 1742, and continued to represent that town 
until 1749. In 1744, he is found with James Wadsworth and others 
making report in obedience to the appointment of the assembly to pro- 
vide for the instruction of " the men on board the country sloop in the 
method of fighting at sea," in the event of a French war. The same 
year he was alone empowered to purchase additional cannon for the 
defence of New London, and again the year following to see to the 
repair of the battery. Nor were his services alone called for in matters 
referring to New London. In 1746 he, with Jonathan Trumbull and 
Christopher Avery, was appointed to examine into the memorial of the 
Second Society for the division of the parish of Norwich into two 
distinct districts . . in 1747, to inquire into the claims of one Minor, 
of Stonington, in the case of "sundry bills and notes of hand," consumed 
by fire in his dwelling house. In 1747 he reorganized the Societies of 
of Lebanon, and, with others, was empowered to act as a Court of 
Chancery in the cast of a claim for £5,000 realized for prizes taken by 
the sloop Defence in the Colony's service on the expedition against 
Cape Breton in 1745. 

In the year 1748 or 1749 his first wife, Deborah (Youngs), died. Her last 
child, Experience, was born in 1747, and John Ledyard soon after mar- 
ried, for his second wife, Mary, the widow of John Ellery, who brought 
to Mr. Ledyard a large estate. This lady was connected with the most 
important families in the colony. She was the only child and heiress of 
John Austin and Mary Stanley, daughter of Nathaniel Stanley, all of 
Hartford. John Austin brought with him from England a large for- 
tune, which he greatly increased. At the time of her second marriage 
she had one son, William Ellery, by her first husband, who later married 
Experience (Ledyard), the youngest daughter and last born child of her 
second husband. Mr. Ledyard found entire happiness in the new con- 
nection, his wife adapting herself to his generous hospitality, which 
made of his house a home for his numerous grand-children, some of 
whom seem to have been its permanent residents. 

His ceasing to represent the town of Groton in the Assembly, and 
his appearance as Deputy for the town of Hartford in the session of 1753, 
indicate that between these dates he changed his residence. He con- 


tinued to represent Hartford till 1762. His last appearance was at the 
May Session of 1769, but he did not represent the town at all the 
intermediate Sessions between 1762 and that date. In 1754 he also 
received the appointment of Justice of the Peace for the county of 
Hartford, an office he retained by successive appointments until 1771, 
the year of his death. 

He was one of the committee appointed " to settle the differences of 
Mr. Joshua Elderkin, gospel minister of West Haddam Parish, and his 
congregation," who were in sore difficulty as to what should be done 
about his homestead, he having been regularly dismissed from his 
charge. In 1754 he was appointed one of the Committee of War, with 
full power to send out men for the defence of the frontier towns in case 
of an invasion, and to adjust all accounts that might arise in consequence 
thereof. He was appointed one of the Auditors of the Colony's 
accounts in 1755, and one of the committee on the pay table of the 
trainbands, with full power in the premises. In 1757 he was appointed 
on the committee to settle and adjust all the expenses for billeting the 
forces raised by the Colony for the current year. 

In May, 1758, he was appointed, together with John Chester, Thomas 
Wells, Roger Wolcott, Jr., and Daniel Edwards, Esquires, and Colonel 
Joseph Pitkin, to attend his Honour the Deputy Governor ' to hear the 
records of the acts and doings of the Assembly, and see the same signed 
by the Secretary as perfect and compleat,' and at the following Session 
was selected ' to repair to the executor or administrator of Col. Na- 
thaniel Stanley, late of Hartford, deceased, and request of him or them 
to deliver to the said Ledyard the several bonds given by Col. Elisha 
Williams, deceased, Col. Samuel Talcott and the rest of the officers 
appointed in the late intended expedition to Canada (for to provide 
them suitable clothing), which said bonds were lodged with the said 
Stanley, deceased, as Treasurer of the Colony/ " 

In May, 1760, he was chosen by the Assembly to receive the sums 
collected in each congregation in the county of Hartford, in aid of the 
sufferers by the great fire which occurred at Boston on the 20th March 
of that year, when, according to the representations of Governor Pow- 
nal, " two hundred and twenty families were turned out of doors and 
became objects of charity, and the calamity was so great and extensive 
that the means of relief from among themselves, and by the contribu- 
tions of their own inhabitants, was greatly inadequate to the loss. In 
the same month he was appointed, with Daniel Edwards and Joseph 
Talcott, to inspect the drawing of the lottery authorized upon the 


memorial of Joseph Buckingham, Thomas Seymour and other inhabi- 
tants of the town of Hartford, to raise three hundred pounds lawful 
money, on a deduction of ten per cent on the sale of tickets for the 
repairing the main streets in the town on the west side of Connecticut 
river. In October he appears with Jonathan Trumbull and David Row- 
land, Esquires, as a creditor of the Colony, having advanced money to 
the Treasurer upon his notes. In 1758 and 1761 he was one of the 
Auditors of the Colony's accounts with the Treasurer. 

John Ledyard was greatly interested in the movement made in Connec- 
ticut for the protection and education of the Indians. The Moravians 
•established a mission among the tribes at Sharon and Kent, the security 
of which " being threatened by foreigners straggling about in the Colony 
upon evil and dangerous designs, and alienate and to estrange, the minds 
of the Indians." Messrs. James Wadsworth, Elihu Chauncey, John Led- 
yard, and Joseph Blackleath made report to the assembly that there was 
"common rumor that the plantations would be destroyed by the Euro- 
peans settled in the southwest, and the north joined with the Flatheads 
in the west, and that the school set up among the Indians westward of 
Kent, was discouraged by the influence of the said foreigners to endan- 
gering of his majesty's interest; " and the assembly passed an Act to 
provide relief against these evil and dangerous designs. 

In 1754 Eleazar Wheelock made the first attempt to carry out the 
long cherished desire of the best men of the Hartford Colony to edu- 
cate the Indians, an effort which resulted in the foundation of Dart- 
mouth College. Mr. Joshua Moor, of Mansfield, gave a small tene- 
ment in Lebanon for the foundation of a charity school for the teaching 
of Indians' youth. In the success of this enterprise Mr. Ledyard took 
a deep interest. A letter on this subject is among the few that have 
come down to us. It is now printed from a copy kindly made by 
Baxter Perry Smith, Esq., the learned historian of Dartmouth College: 

Hartford, Oct. 3, 1763 
Rev. and Dear Sir : 

Enclosed is a letter to Mr. Sparrow respecting your Indian school. Wish 'twas in my power 
to afford some further substantial assistance, but in the rule of the Just, of charitable Mr. Hervey, 
my charity purse is empty. 

Last Sabbath afternoon I heard, at Mr. Davis' Meeting House, a sermon from these words : 
11 1 through the Law am dead to the Law," preached by an able and I believe godly Divine from 
Newark, whose name I have not got ; 'twas a most excellent discourse, the congregation, all atten- 
tion, watching for their lives, as indeed it was for their Lives. I pray Almighty God to give the 
increase, and that it will please Him also abundantly to succeed, prosper and Bless the precious 
design you are in pursuit of. Rev'd Sir, Your very humble servant, 

To the Rev'd Mr. Eleazer Wheelock, Lebanon. John Ledyard 


In 1768 " Colonel Wyllis and Esquire Ledyard " were among Dr.. 
Wheelock's legal advisers, and no doubt continued in that capacity 
during the succeeding year when the charter for an Academy or Col- 
lege was laid before Governor Wentworth for his approval. The Col- 
lege was located at Dartmouth, and instruction began at the close of 
1770. Ledyard's death, soon after, deprived him of the satisfaction of 
seeing the success of the undertaking. 

John Ledyard did not live to take part in the Revolution, but the 
towns of New London and Groton, in whose defences he had been 
actively engaged, became the scene of one of the most tragic events of 
the war, and his sons and kinsmen, in direct and collateral lines,, 
gathered and fell in numbers the extent of which recalls the bloody 
tales of border war when whole clans went down together beneath the 
sword of the foe. 

In December, 1775, the Groton Fort was begun under the direction 
of a committee appointed by the Governor and Council the month 
previous, of whom Ebenezer Ledyard, third son of John Ledyard, and 
one of the most influential citizens of the town, was one ; and at the same 
time a fort was begun on the New London side of the Thames River, 
but it was a year before these works really deserved the name of fortifi- 
cations; when they were called Forts Trumbull and Griswold, the latter 
being the Groton work. They satisfactorily served the purpose of 
defence until September, 1781, when the inhabitants of the towns were 
alarmed by the sudden appearance of hostile vessels in the offing. Col. 
William Ledyard (the fourth son of John Ledyard) was the officer 
charged with the defences. He hastily rallied his command, in the 
numbers of which were more than twenty of his immediate kin, 
including his nephews, Captain Youngs Ledyard and Captain William 
Seymour, of Hartford, who joined him as a volunteer, and, crossing 
the river, threw himself into Fort Griswold. The story of the 
assault, the brave defence, the courteous surrender and barbarous 
massacre of the heroic Ledyard and numerous of his officers and 
men, after all resistance had ceased, is well known. It is graven on 
monuments, and lives in the imperishable page of American history. 
No incident of the direful day will be forgotton in this Centennial year. 
Only such details as are immediately connected with the family of Led- 
yard need be recounted here. Captain Youngs Ledyard, seeing his 
uncle fall and that quarter was not given, rushed upon the enemy with 
a number of the garrison, determined to sell their lives as dearly as 
possibly. All were cut down in the fruitless effort. Captain Seymour,. 


the son of Colonel Thomas Seymour of Hartford, who had fallen, his 
knee shattered by a ball, was pierced thirteen times with bayonets. 
He was the only one ot the garrison whose wounds were dressed by a 
British surgeon. Miss Caulkins, the faithful chronicler of New London 
town, accounts for the exception by the fact of the interference of 
Captain Beckwith, whom Seymour had met in New York City. 

Ebenezer Ledyard, the brother of the Colonel, was not in the fight, 
but humanely interposing to prevent the removal of the unfortunate 
wounded to New York, was taken by the British as a hostage for the 
paroled prisoners left behind. The capture of Lord Cornwallis soon 
altered the fate of the prisoners, however, and on the 3d November a 
flag of truce, sent from New London, " returned from New York and 
brought one hundred and thirty-two American prisoners, among them 
Ebenezer Ledyard and Lieutenant Jabez Stow on parole, with the 
remainder of the prisoners who were captivated and carried off from 
New London and Groton by Benedict Arnold's burning party ; " but 
the prisoners, says the report in the Connecticut Gazette, were " chiefly 
from the Prison Ship, and mostly sick." Nor is this generous vicarious 
suffering of Mr. Ledyard the only touching incident in the dark 
tragedy. Robert Hempstead, one of the wounded men, relates that 
"the light of the morning of the 7th brought with it some ministering 
angels to the relief of the wounded. The first was in the person of 
Miss Fanny Ledyard of Southold, Long Island (the daughter of Capt. 
John Ledyard, and sister of John Ledyard the Traveller), then on a 
visit to her uncle. She brought with her chocolate and wine and other 
refreshments to the house of Ebenezer Avery, where thirty-five 
wounded lay." Hempstead reports that " some of the wounded, who 
were not disabled from going to the pump, were repulsed with the 
bayonet," and that his first relief was from Miss Ledyard. From the 
fact that Ebenezer Ledyard gave the name of Guy Carleton to a son 
born in 1787, it is fair to presume that during his captivity he experi- 
enced the kindness of this most accomplished British officer and worthy 
gentleman, who succeeded Sir Henry Clinton in the command of New 

The State of Connecticut in 1830 erected a monument to the brave 
men who fell at Forts Griswold and Trumbull, and the remains of Col- 
onel Ledyard, his wife and a daughter, were removed from their graves 
and laid within the enclosure. The old burying ground now bears the 
name of Ledyard Cemetery, and the name of the town itself was by 
act of Legislature changed to Ledyard, in perpetual commemoration 


of the services of her gallant son. A century has elapsed since the 
skies were lurid with the glare of villages burned by the miscreant 
Arnold and his contemptible Tory companions, supported by British 
officers and British troops, as cruel and as merciless as themselves. 
The memory of such deeds does not fade with time. It is well to 
preserve and at fitting seasons dwell upon them, not to revive the 
bitter animosities which they engendered and kept alive, but to 
strengthen the patriotic ties which hold our people together, by 
keeping ever present to the mind the sacrifices which our fathers 
made to establish the liberties and lay the foundation of the American 

Among the tomb-stones in the old burying ground at Groton there 
is one which has thus far puzzled the genealogists. It stands among 
those of the Ledyard family. In 1858, when the writer copied the 
inscriptions, the stone was already deeply sunken in the earth. Upon 
it, beneath a quaint device of a head with wings, is the following 
epitaph: "Here lies ye Body of Mr. Benjamin Ledyard he Departed 
this Life April 7th 1777 in ye 76th year of his age." He was born, 
therefore, a year after John Ledyard, but what the relationship between 
them, and whether he was married and left descendants or not, the 
writer has been unable to ascertain, and the notes collected from the 
various branches of the family show that the same question has puzzled 
other investigators also. Nor yet has the writer been able to discover 
the parentage of the Isaac Ledyard who married Elizabeth, the widow 
of Captain Richard Christophers, the King's Naval Officer in the port of 
New London. She was the daughter of Gurdon Saltonstall, Governor 
of Connecticut from 1708-24, by his first wife, Jerusha, daughter of 
James Richards of Hartford. Captain Christophers died June 9, 1726. 
By the Public Records of the Colony, she, with her husband Isaac 
Ledyard, appears in May, 1737, as a petitioner to the General Assembly 
of the Colony for a settlement of the accounts of her former husband. 
She was born in 1690, and is said to have been much older than her 
second husband, Isaac Ledyard, of whom no other information has been 
found than that his name again appears in the Records of the Colony 
as at New London in May, 1741. 

From the non-appearance of other Ledyards than those mentioned, 
it is a natural presumption that Benjamin Ledyard and Isaac Ledyard 
were kinsmen of John — that Benjamin was a bachelor, and that the wife 
of Isaac, advanced in life at the time of her second marriage, gave him 
no children. 


1 8 7 

John Ledyard died in 177 1. A freestone tomb in the old Centre 
Burying Ground at Hartford bears this inscription : 

" Sacred to the memory of John Ledyard, Esq., who departed 
this life on the 3d day of September, A. D. 1771, aged 71 years. 
The memory of the just is blessed." His services are not. for- 
gotten, and he is remembered as an eminently just man. His de- 
scendants are numerous and have intermarried with distinguished 
families. They look back with honest pride to their first American 





In the Name of God, Amen. 

I, John Ledyard, of Hartford, in Hartford County, in the Colony of Connecticut, being of 
a disposing mind and memory, do with my own hand write and make this my last will and testa- 
ment in Hartford, this eighth day of May, Anno Domini 1771. 

I beseech Almighty God that with becoming humility and gratitude of heart I may be enabled 
to commit my soul to his most mercifull hand, trusting and confiding in the all sufficient merits 
of Christ Jesus my Lord and my Saviour, for the eternal Salvation of it, as for such worldly estate 
as the divine being has bestowed upon me, I give and dispose of it as follows. Impiimis 

Let my just debts be punctuall paid. Item 

I give and bequeath to my dear wife (in lieu of Dower), my negro called Didge, one half of my 
Estate, Horses, Sheep and Hogs, one half of all my farming utensils and household furniture, 
excepting what I shall hereby otherwise dispose of all to be hers for ever, and also Twenty pounds 
to be paid her yearly from year to year so long as she continues my widow, and in case she shall 
marry again, it is my will that my Executors pay her One Hundred pounds in a reasonable time after 
such Marriage as hereafter provided. Item 

I give to my two sons, Ebenezer and William, Two Hundred pounds each. To the children 
of my son Youngs one hundred and Twenty pounds, a Double share in which I give to my Grand- 
son Youngs, the rest of these children to have share and share alike in this Legacy, and bequest 
my son Youngs estate of what it was indebted to me. Item 

To the children of my late daughter Coleman I give One Hundred pounds. Item 

To my daughters Elizabeth and Experience I give Two Hundred pounds each. Item 

To my daughters Lucy, Lucretia and Anne I give One hundred and Twenty pounds each. 
My daughters Seymour and Vandervoort are supposed to have had an equivalent to the former 
Legacies to their Sisters, and my daughter Tallcott more than such equivalent considering her 
interest by her Grandfathers. By the foregoing Legacies I have (as near as I can) placed my sons 
and daughters and Grandchildren hitherto mentioned in such equality or proportion as I think 
right in disposition of my estate thus far. Item 

I consider my son John, deceased, as having a large portion out of my estate. I also consider 
he was my first born, this last consideration determines me to say 'tis my will that my executors 
let to interest One hundred and fifty pound, and as the children of my said son come of age or 
marry to pay out to them that money with the interest in proportion, viz. : To the eldest son a 
double portion, and to the other of these children share and share alike, and if any or either of the 
children of my son John die before they have a right to demand and receive his or her or their part 
in this Legacy, the survivors to have it in the same proportion as given, and this is the whole that 
I may (consistent with what I suppose to be just towards my children) give to the heirs of my son 

I give to my son Austin my right in the upper mills in Hartford, and to the adjoining house 
and land, also the lot of land formerly Humphrey's lot and the Barn on it, and the small lot I 
bought of Daniel Hall, and the lot in the meadow that I bought of Capt. Jonathan Seymour, and 
all the land [in] Town that I bought of my son-in-law William Ellery and one Bunce (called the 
oil mill lot, and two lots of land being contiguous that I bought of Cole and of Crow, being 
part of what was called Common lands, also one half of all the Horses, Cattle, Sheep, Hogs that 
I shall be possessed of, and also I give to my said son Austin, one half of my utensils and instru- 
ments for farming and husbandry. Item 


The residue of my estate not hereafter otherwise disposed of, I give amongst all my children 
now living (excepting my son Austin who has a full share in my estate in the above provision made 
for him) and the children of my son Youngs, and of my daughter Coleman in manner as follows, 
to such of my sons now living (my son Austin excepted) a double share in proportion to their sisters. 
To such of my daughters now living half as much as to one of their brothers, only enjoining that 
my daughter Talcott pay Eighty pounds (out of what will be coming to her) towards discharging 
the Legacy of One Hundred and twenty pounds to one of her sisters, which will about make my 
four youngest daughters equal ; to the children of my son Youngs, I give as much as to one of my 
living sons, and to the children of my daughter Coleman as much as to one of my living daughters ; 
my children are all near equally and dear to me, and in this disposition of my estate I have aimed 
at doing them justice; the children of my first wife seem to have some advantage in the above dis- 
position occasioned by my considering that I have great part of their mother's portion (who was 
heiress to one third of a handsome estate) and the children of my present wife have laid up for them 
by the will of their Honored Grandfather Austin what will make them more than equal in parental 
interest to the former, and this I approve of as 'twill help them in point of education. Item 

I give to my children- in-Law William Ellery and Jane Ellery and to Eunice Ellery, daughter 
of my late Son-in-Law John Ellery, all the silver utensils and vessels which Mr. John Ellery, my 
wife's former husband had, that descended to him from his natural ancestors or that he had with 
his first wife, to be equally divided between said William, Jane and Eunice Ellery, and if said 
Eunice die childless then her part to be equally divided betwixt said William Ellery and Jane 
Ellery, further if it appears that said Eunice Ellery has legal right to the whole of an estate which 
belonged to her grandfather Ellery at Maiden in Essex in Great Britain, then and in such case, 
'tis my will that said Eunice have no share or part in the above mentioned Silver utensils and 
vessels, but that all of them be equally divided between said William Ellery and Jane Ellery. Item. 

It was my design to have given my negro Didge to my son-in-law Seymour for that he 
formerly saved the life of my said negro in a manner without endangering his own, but as I know 
this negro more agreeable to my wife than any other I have, he is given unto her, and in his stead 
I do give to my said son-in-law Seymour any other of the negroes I may be possessed of that he 
shall chuse. 

I do hereby empower my executors hereafter to be named to sell any of my estate, real and 
personal, not hereby otherwise disposed of, and the same to turn into money to be let out to enable 
them to make the yearly or other payments to my wife, children and Grandchildren, but not more 
than sufficient, and if my wife shall not incline to accept (in lieu of Dower) what I have given her 
as above, then it is my will that the moveable estate and what else is before given to her, be divided 
amongst my children and grandchildren, viz. : To such of my sons now living a double share in 
proportion to their sisters. To such of my daughters now living half as much as one of their brothers. 
To the children of my son Youngs as much as to one of my living sons. To the children of my 
daughter Coleman as much as to one of my daughters now living. As my wife is advancing in 
years, am sensible would be too great a burthen to lay on her the weight of Executorship, and her 
land being brought into very profitable order, and the provisions for her in this will are quite suf- 
ficient to render her life easy and happy as to this world's goods. 

And I do appoint my sons Ebenezer and William to be the Executors of this my last Will and 
Testament, and if my son Austin shall be Twenty-one years of age at the time of my death, 
I do hereby appoint and join him an Executor with them. 

John Ledyard, the above mentioned Testator, signs, seals, pronounces and declares the fore- 
going instrument to be his last will and testament. 

John Ledyard, (L. S.) 

In presence of John Laurence, Samuel Olcott, Wm. Lawrence. 

From Book 12, page 120 of Hartford Probate Records. 



At a Court of Probate holden at Hartford for the district of Hartford, on the 6th day of Sep- 
tember, A. D. 1771. Present, I. Talcott, Esqr., Judge. 

The last will and testament of John Ledyard, late of Hartford, deceased, was now exhibited in 
Court by Ebenezer and William Ledyard, sons of the said deceased and executors named in said 
will, who accepted the trust thereof, said will being proved by the witnesses thereto is by this Court 
approved and ordered to be recorded and kept on file. 






John Ledyard had by his first wife Debo- 
rah, daughter of Judge Benjamin Youngs, ten 
children; five sons and five daughters. Of the 
sons : 

I. John Ledyard followed the sea as cap- 
tain of a vessel in the West India trade, a danger- 
ous occupation in days when the entire Atlantic 
coast was infested by privateers and pirates 
who differed from each other but in name. He 
married Abigail, daughter of Robert Hempstead, 
of Southold, by whom he had six children. 1. 
John, the traveller, companion of Captain Cook 
in the disastrous voyage on which he came to his 
death. 2. Frederick, who died young. 3. Fer- 
dinand, who died young. 4. Thomas Grover, 
of Southold. 5. George. 6. Fanny, who ap- 
pears in the story of Fort Griswold as the 
ministering angel, and who was later married to 
Richard Peters, of Southold. 

II. Youngs Ledyard, born 25th Jan., 1731, 
died 4th April, 1762, also traded with the West 
Indies, and died on one of his voyages. There 
is a tradition in the family that suspicions of 
foul play rested upon Benedict Arnold, later 
notorious, who sailed with him as clerk or super- 
cargo, and on his return it is said made no ac- 
counting of the venture, a proceeding quite in 
character with his later career. Youngs Ledyard 
married in June, 1748, Aurelia (Morgan in his 
genealogy gives the name as Mary) Avery, of 
Groton, where he resided. By her he had eight 
children: 1. Deborah, born 19th May, 1749, 
married to Col. Christopher Morgan, of Groton. 
2. Youngs, born 24th June, 1751, killed 6th 
September, 1781, who was captain of a company 
in the command of his brother Colonel William, 
and mortally wounded in Fort Griswold when it 
was stormed; he died the next day. 3. Benja- 
min, born 6th March, 1753, died 9th Nov., 1803, 
married 1st Catharine Forman ; 2d, Ann Rhea. 
4. Isaac (Doctor), born 5th Nov., 1754, died 
30th August, 1803, married 13th March, 1785, 
Ann McArthur. 5. Mary, born 3d Sept., 1758, 
who was married to General Jonathan Forman. 
6. William, born nth March, 1760, died 30th 

Jan., 1761. 7. Lucy, who was married to 

Phelps. 8. Caleb, born 18th Oct., 1762, who 
was midshipman with Commodore Nicholson in 
the Trumbull, and died at sea at the age of 19. 

III. Deborah Ledyard was married to John 
Coleman, of Massachusetts. 

IV. Mary Ledyard was married to Colonel 
Thomas Seymour, of Hartford, Connecticut. 

V. Ebenezer Ledyard lived at Groton and 
died there in 181 1. He married, first, Mary 
Latham, of Groton, by whom he had : 1. 
Ebenezer. 2.' Jonathan. 3. David. 4. Gur- 
don. 5. Gurdon. 6. William Pitt. 7. Austin. 
8. Nathaniel. 9. Benjamin. 10. Joseph. 
He married, second, Elizabeth Gardner, of 
Stonington, by whom he had : n. Jonathan. 
12. Henry G. 13. Guy Carleton. 

VI. William Ledyard, Colonel of the Con- 
necticut militia, who commanded at Fort Gris- 
wold and fell mortally wounded, thrust through 
the body with his own sword by the British officer 
to whom he surrendered it after a brave but 
hopeless defence against superior numbers. The 
vest worn by him, showing the rents made by the 
sword as it entered and came out from the body, 
is still preserved, a witness of the atrocity, by the 
Connecticut Historical Society at Hartford. 
More than twenty of the name and connections 
of Ledyard were engaged in this action. 

The following memoranda are taken from his 
Family Bible in the Connecticut Historical So- 
ciety : 

On the 8th January, 1761, he married Anne 
Williams, of Stonington. She was born 21st 
March, 1744, died 8th September, 1790. Their 
children were : 1. Mary Ann Ledyard, born 
16th February, 1763, died 9th March, 1782 ; un- 
married. 2. Sarah Ledyard, born 6th May, 1765, 
died 25th July, 1781; unmarried. 3. William 
Ledyard, born 30th December, 1766, died 14th 
Sept., 1777. 4- Deborah Ledyard, born 27th 
January, 1769, died 20th December, 1791, mar- 
ried 28th November, 1786, Smith. 5. 

John Yarborough Ledyard, born 24th June, 
1773, died January, 1792 ; unmarried. 6. Peter 
Vandervoort Ledyard, born 2d September, 
1775, died 16th April, 1829, married 22d Sep- 
tember, 1796, Maria, daughter of Andrew and 
Maria Van Tuyl, of New York. 7. William 



Ledyard, born 1st September, 1777, died 9th 
September, 1796; unmarried. 8. Henry Young 
Ledyard, born 27th August, 1781, died 20th 
February, 1 790. 

VII. Nathaniel Ledyard, Doctor of Medi- 
cine, born 1740, died at Hartford 1st June, 1766, 
from wounds received in an explosion of powder 
while celebrating the repeal of the Stamp Act. 
The school house, a large brick building, on the 
site where the Hartford Hotel was erected later, 
was blown up and a number of persons injured. 
Doctor Ledyard, who was then iri the 26th year 
of his age, had one of his thighs broken. He 
died unmarried. The rejoicing which was or- 
dered by the General Assembly was at its height. 
The young gentlemen of the city were preparing 
fireworks for the evening when the acci- 
dent occurred. A full account of it appeared in 
Parker's Connecticut Gazette for May 31, 1766, 
and was reprinted in Barber's Connecticut His- 
torical Selections. In the old Centre Burying 
ground at Hartford there is a tomb-stone over 
the remains of Docter Ledyard with the follow- 
ing characteristic inscription : In memory of | 
Doctor Nathaniel Ledyard | who Departed 
this Life | June ye 1st A.D. 1766 | in ye 26th 
Year of his age | 

Just when deliver'd from her hoding fears 
My chearful country wip'd away her tears, 
Materials wrought the public Joys to aid, 
With dire explosion snapp'd my vital thread, 
And Life's rich Zest, the Bliss of being free 
Prov'd the sad cause of bitter death to me. 

VIII. Elizabeth Ledyard died unmarried. 

IX. Sarah Ledyard married to Peter Van- 
dervoort, of New York. 

X. Experience Ledyard, born 1747, died 
5th March, 1773, was married to William Ellery , 
of Hartford, stepson of her father John Ledyard. 

issue by second marriage 
John Ledyard married, second, Mary, the 
widow of John Ellery, of Hartford, and 
daughter of John Austin and Mary Stanley 
(widow of Nathaniel Hooker). John Austin was 
also an emigrant, a midshipman in the service of 
Queen Anne, who, attracted by the progress of 
the religious colony, left the service, and, turning 
his fortune into gold, settled in Hartford early in 
the eighteenth century, and became a merchant 

of note. His mother, a lady of large fortune, is 
said to have lost a considerable portion of her 
estate in John Law's famous Mississippi scheme 
which turned the heads of Europe at this period. 
Nathaniel Stanley, the father of Mary, wife of 
John Austin, was a man of note and the Treas- 
urer of the Colony. They were all of Hartford. 
The children of John Ledyard by his second 
wife, Mary Stanley (widow of John Ellery) were: 
XL Abigail Ledyard, married to Samuel 
Talcott, of Hartford. 

XII. Austin Ledyard, born at Hartford, 
175 1, died at Hartford nth September, 1776. 
He married Sarah Sheldon by whom he had 
Mary Austin Ledyard, who was married to Dr. 
Coggswell, of Hartford. 

XIII. Lucy Ledyard, died unmarried. 

XIV. Lucretia Ledyard, born at Hartford 
22d February, 1756, died at Astoria, Long 
Island, 2d July, 1846, was married, first, to 
Richardson Sands, of Sands Point, L. L, by 
whom two sons; second, to Ebenezer Stevens, of 
Boston, later of New York, Lieut. Colonel of 
Artillery in the revolutionary army, and Major 
General N. Y. State Artillery. 

XV. Anne Ledyard, born Dec. 14, 1757, 
died Nov. 8, 1848, married to Andrew Hodge, of 

In closing this sketch of the descendants of 
John Ledyard in two generations, the remark- 
able, perhaps unique, fact, noticed in the account 
contributed to the New York Genealogical and 
Biographical Record may be here repeated, viz.: 
That six grandchildren of John Ledyard, born 
in 1700, were alive in 1869; two in 1876. The 
last survivor Mary, daughter of General Stevens 
and Lucretia (Ledyard) his wife, the widow of 
Frederick William Rhinelander, of New York, 
died at Newport 26th August, 1877, the three 
lives thus covering the unusual period of ONE 
hundred and seventy-seven years ; the 
last survivor dying one hundred and six years 
after her grandfather. 



Dr. Isaac Ledyard, born at Groton, Nov. 5, 
1754, began life as a merchant, but soon wearied 



of the occupation, and, according to Thompson's 
sketch of him (History of Long Island, II, 525), 
"travelled to New York, where he sought an 
introduction to Dr. John Bard, a distinguished 
physician then at the head of the medical school 
of that city, and finally was admitted a student 
in his office, where he met the most affectionate 
encouragement, which ripened into a firm and 
lasting friendship. When hostilities began with 
Great Britain and his brother Benjamin was com- 
missioned c iptain in McDougall's regiment, First 
New York Battalion, Dr. Ledyard obtained the 
post of surgeon in the same regiment. He was 
soon after made hospital surgeon, and later 
raised to the post of second officer in that depart- 
ment. He continued attached to the army until 
the peace in 1783, after which he practiced medi- 
cine in the City of New York. He was one of 
the original founders of the New York State 
Branch of the Cincinnati in 1783. 

After the peace, he resided until 1785 at 
the famous Roger Morris House, well known 
as Washington's Headquarters on Harlem 
Heights, and still one of the most attractive resi- 
dences on Manhattan Island. At that time it 
was celebrated for the beauty of its surroundings, 
its luxuriant foliage and beautiful gardens. 

On the 13th March, 1785, Dr. Ledyard married 
Ann, daughter of John McArthur, of New York. 
In 1794 he erected a mansion on a farm which 
he had purchased at Newtown, Long Island, to 
which he removed with his family the next year. 
Here he was in constant association with De 
Witt Cinton, who lived at the same place, and 
attended him as his surgeon on the occasion of 
his duel with John Swartwout in August, 1799, 
when the latter was wounded. He was fond of 
literary pursuits and an occasional contributor to 
the newspaper polemics of this excited political 
period. A strong opponent of the Federal party, 
he was chosen a presidential elector in 1800, and 
cast his vote for Thomas Jefferson. He was ap- 
pointed health officer at Staten Island, where he 
died of an infectious disease August 28, 1803. 

Thompson says of him "he was a gentleman 
of polished manners, affable and of wonderful 
conversational powers. His reading was expres- 
sive, his observation acute and his information on 
most subjects large and accurate. The death of 

such a man was not only a great calamity to his 
family, but to the public." 

Benjamin Ledyard and Issue 

The New York branch of the family of Led- 
yard, descends from Benjamin Ledyard, grandson 
of John Ledyard, the first of the name in this 
country, and the third child of his second son 
Youngs Ledyard and Aurelia Avery, of New 
London, his wife. 

Benjamin Ledyard was born at Groton on 
5th March, 1753. He was brought up partly in 
the family of his grandfather, John Ledyard, at 
Hartford, with his brother Isaac and his cousin 
John, later known as the Traveller. Afterwards 
he went into the store of Peter Vandervoort of 
New York, husband of his Aunt Sarah (Ledyard). 
Mr. Vandervoort was engaged in the hardware 
business and as an importer of this class of mer- 
chandise before the revolution, and his nephew 
had been admitted to parternership about that 

On the outbreak of hostilities Benjamin Led- 
yard, although but recently married (he had mar- 
ried Catharine, daughter of Samuel Forman, of 
Middletown, Penn., on the 22d January, 1775,) 
at once enlisted and raised a company which, ac- 
cording to a tradition in the family, was known 
as the Hairy Caps. They were enrolled in the 
First Regiment of New York Continental Infan- 
try, Colonel Alex. McDougall commanding, in 
which Benjamin Ledyard was commissioned 
captain on the 28th June, 1775. McDougall's 
regiment went to Quebec in the winter, but ap- 
parently Captain Ledyard was left behind, as he 
appears issuing warrants to a recruiting officer 
of the 3d Company New York Continentals in 
February, 1776. In the arrangement of the 
New York Line by a committee of the New 
York Convention, November 21, 1776, he was 
promoted to a majority, Henry B. Livingston 
being made colonel in the place of McDougall, 
who was already serving as Brig. General. 
General McDougall wrote to the committee 
recommending Ledyard's promotion as the second 
in the regiment, and " the man the corps have 
their eye on for major, " and added that he thought 

i 9 4 


him by far the best qualified for it. There seems 
to have been some uncertainty as to his accep- 
tance, probably on account of his health, which, 
never strong, soon broke down entirely. He 
was engaged at the battle of White Plains in 
1776. He was at the battle of Monmouth either 
with his command or while at home on a fur- 
lough, his regiment being stationed at West 
Point with the forces posted there for the protec- 
tion of the Hudson Highlands. At Monmouth 
his horse was shot under him. There is tradition 
that after this battle a British armed vessel driven 
ashore was captured by the militia, and that 
Major Ledyard prepared the articles of capitula- 
tion paroling the officers. His health failing 
him, he found himself unable to perform field 
duty, and on the 26th March, 1779, as appears 
from the petition of his son for his father's share 
of the lands allotted revolutionary soldiers, he 
resigned his commission, and withdrew from 
active service. He continued, however, to 
render effectual assistance as a volunteer with 
the militia in cases of invasion till the close of 
the war. 

The army was in sore need of salt and the 
government urged its manufacture. Major Led- 
yard bceame superintendent of a company en- 
gaged in this business at Barnegat. He was one 
of the original founders of the New York State 
Society of the Cincinnati in 1783. At the peace 
he returned to New York and renewed his com- 
mercial pursuits, forming a partnership with 
Colonel Walker, aid of Baron Steuben. This 
partnership was dissolved April 20, 1785, after 
which he continued his mercantile pursuits with 
his brother, Dr. Isaac Ledyard, for a time. He 
finally withdrew to Middletown and opened a 
country store. In 1793 the military bounty 
lands of New York were allotted in Onondaga 
County, and Major Ledyard receiving the ap- 
pointment of clerk of the county, removed to 
the village of Aurora, and there established his 
office and built a cottage in which he resided with 
his family, and which was standing in 1843. 
Here he was visited by his fellow soldiers, some 
of whom, among others Aaron Burr, bought lands 
in the neighborhood. The fever for speculation 
in western lands, from which Washington and 
Robert Morris and George Clinton were not ex- 

empt, was high at the close of the last century; 
and the fertile valleys of New York were the 
favorite field. The town was first named Scipio, 
bat later was divided. The new town set aside 
embraced the village of Aurora, in which he had 
his home, and received the name of Ledyard in 
his honor. 

By his wife Catharine Forman, who was born 
29th April, 1753, and died 22d July, 1797, he 
had ten children. 1. Mary, born 16th October, 
1775, married to Glen Cuyler; 2. Helen, born 
15th Nov., 1777, married 22d February, 1797, 
to John Van Lincklaen, of Amsterdam; 3. 
Benjamin, born 27th August, 1779, died, 
New York, 26th Oct., 1812, married, New York, 
April 3d, 181 1, Susan French, daughter o£ 
Brockholst Livingston ; 4. Samuel, born New 
Jersey, 29th Jan., 1782, died 27th Nov., 1866, 
married Ann Phelps; 5. Isaac, born 9th March, 
1784, died 21st March, 1787; 6. Caleb, born 24th 

Sept., 1786, died ; 7. Catharine, born 

6th Jan., 1789, married to Perry G. Childs ; 8» 
Margaret, born 4th April, 1791, married to 
Cornelius Cuyler ; 9. Jonathan Denise For- 
man, born 10th June, 1793, to Jane Strawbridge; 
10. Aaron Burr, born 15th June, 1790, died 
1st October, 1795. 

Benjamin Ledyard, in 1801, married second 
Ann Rhea, of Monmouth, New Jersey, by whom 
he had no issue. He died at Aurora, Cayuga 
County, New York, on the 9th November, 


Samuel Ledyard and Issue 

Samuel Ledyard, fourth child of Benjamin 
Ledyard and Catharine Forman, his wife, was 
born in New Jersey 29th Jan., 1782, and died 
27th Nov., 1866. He married first, 23d May, 
1805, Ann Phelps, who died 17th Feb., 1815. 

Their children were, 1. Catharine Lucy, born 
3d Dec, 1806; 2. Helen Lincklaen, born 26th 
Nov., 181 1 ; 3. Mary Forman, born 5th May, 

He married, second, Sophia Childs, 15th Jan., 
1816. Their children were : 1. Rachel Childs, 
born 10th Dec, 1816. 2. Benjamin, born 27th 
April, 1819. 3. Samuel Forman, born 27th 
Feb., 1821. 4. Timothy Childs, born 3d Aug., 
1822. 5. John Henry, born 17th May, 1824. 
6. T. Scott, born 12th June, 1827. 7. Mar- 



garet Cuyler, born nth June, 1830. 8. Glen 
Cuyler, born 21st Jan., 1834. 

Jonathan Denise Forman Ledyard 

and Issue 

Jonathan Denise Forman Ledyard, ninth 
child of Benjamin Ledyard and Catharine For- 
man, his wife, was born 10th June, 1793, and 
died 7th Jan., 1874. He married 26th October, 
1 8 19, Jane Strawbridge. Their children were : 
1. Lincklaen (later Ledyard Liucklaen, see 
the Lincklaens of Cazenovia), who was born 
17th October, 1820, and died April 24th, 1864. 
He married 7th December, 1843, Helen Clarissa 
Seymour. 2. Jonathan Denise, born 1st 
May, 1828, married 2d March, 1853, Eliza- 
beth Fitzhugh ; they were both drowned 26th 
June, 1859, from the steamer Montreal on the 
St. Lawrence River. 3. George Strawbridge 
born 19th Feb., 1825, married Anne Fitzhugh. 
4. Cornelius Cuyler, born 8th March, 1827, 
died 7th October, 1836. 5. Helen Lincklaen, 
born 5th May, 1829, married Aug., 1864, to 
John F. Seymour. 6. L. Wolters, born 8th 
April, 1836, married 1st June, 1867, Elizabeth 

The Ledyard-Lincklaens of Cazenovia 

Jan Lincklaen, who had been an officer in the 
Dutch navy, came to America from Amsterdam, 
where he was born in 1763, and, with William 
Bayard, was appointed under the general direc- 
tion of Theophile Cazenove, who made his resi- 
dence in Philadelphia, agent for a Dutch com- 
pany, which in 1795 purchased the four tracts of 
land in the central and western part of the State 
of New York, known as the Holland patent. Mr. 
Lincklaen settled at Chittenango Falls, in 
Madison County, and built the first saw and grist 
mills there in 1794. He was also the founder of 
the town of Cazenovia, one of the most beautiful 
villages in the State, which lies on the western 
margin of the lake of the same name, calling it 
after his friend Cazenove. Here in 1806 he 
erected the stately mansion which bears the name 
of the Lincklaen Manor House. Lincklaen 
place is beautifully situated and adorned with 
grand maple and linden trees, and the streets of 
the town are bordered with the same varieties, 

luxuriant in leaf and branch, which were planted 
by the first tasteful proprietor. 

On the 22d February, 1797, Jan Lincklaen 
married Helen, second daughter of Benjamin 
Ledyard and Catharine Forman. Issue failing, 
the Lincklaen estate passed to Lincklaen Led- 
yard, the nephew of Mrs. Jan Lincklaen, 
(son of her brother Jonathan Denise Forman 
Ledyard), who, on taking the property, changed 
his name to Ledyard Lincklaen. He married 
Helen Clarissa Seymour 7th December, 1843, 
and died 24th April, 1864. 

Henry Ledyard and Issue 

Henry Ledyard, the only child of Benja- 
min Ledyard, of New York, and Susan French 
Livingston, his wife, was born at New York 5th 
March, 1812, and died at Paris, France, 7th 
June, 1880. He married at Paris, France, 19th 
September, 1839, Matilda Frances, daughter of 
the Hon. Lewis Cass, of Michigan. She was 
born July nth, 18 18. At the time of his mar- 
riage, Mr. Ledyard was attached to the Ameri- 
can Embassy. Mr. Cass was then Minister to 
France. A gentleman of elegant manners and 
high culture, Mr. Ledyard was eminently suited 
for diplomatic position. In 1839 he was made 
Secretary of Legation, and in 1842 Charge d'Af- 
faires, a position which he filled with credit to 
himself and to the satisfaction of his countrymen. 
He returned to America in 1844. Later he with- 
drew entirely from public affairs and made his 
permanent residence at Newport, taking part in 
public affairs with discretion and public spirit. 

By his wife Frances Matilda Cass, who sur- 
vives him, he had issue : I. Elizabeth, born at 
the U. S. Legation, Paris, 10th October, 1840, 
married at Newport, R. I., to Francis W. God- 
dard, of Providence, R.I. 2, 3. Henry Brock- 
holst and Susan Livingston, twins, born at U. S. 
Legation, Paris, 20th Feb., 1844 — H. B. L. 
married 15th Oct., 1867, Mary R. L'Homme- 
dieu — S. L. married to Hamilton B. Tompkins. 
4. Lewis Cass, born at Detroit 4th April, 185 1, 
graduate of Harvard College, 1872, married, 
April, 1878, Gertrude, daughter of Col. Wra. E. 
Prince, U. S. Army 5. Matilda Spencer, born 
at Washington, D. C, 27th May, i860. 

. 9 6 



Groton, Conn. 

The numbers correspond -with the view annexed. 



lieth reunited 

to Parent Earth in 

the 46th Year of her Life 

ANN, for a few years the 

disconsolate RELICT of 


who in a Fort adjoining this Ground 

fell gallantly defending these TOWNS 

& HARBOUR. At her fond request her 

youngest son Charles aged 8 

years lies interred in her arms. 

Those wh > know how to 

estimate female accomplishments 

in the Person of a tender Mother will 

judge of the melancholy reverance 

with which this Stone is erected 

to her memory by her only 
Surviving child Peter Y. Ledyard 


A. L. 

{Now within the inclosure of the monument) 



to the Memory 



Col commandant of the Garisoned Post 

of New London and Groton who, after 

a gallant defence, was with a Part of the 

brave Garison, inhumanly Massacred 

by British troops in 


Sep 6th, 1781, Actatis Suae 43 

By a judicious and faithful discharge 

of the various duties of his Station, He 

rendered most essential Service to his 

Country : and stood confessed the 

unshaken Patriot and intrepid Hero : 

He lived the Pattern of Magnanimity : Courtesy 

and Humanity : He died the Victim of 

ungenerous rage and Cruelty. 

{Now within the inclosure of the monument.) 


In Memory of 
the amiable daughter of 
LEDYARD : who departed 
this Life July 21st 1781 in 
the 17th Year of her Age 

Each tedious Task, Life's toilsome pains 

are o'er 

Her Sorrows cease, Care now she 

knows no more 

The Conflict's past, she took the plea 

sing Road 

From us ascended to that bright 


Where Faith on Angel's wings mounts 

us on high 

To see her there immortal in the 


(Now within the inclosure of the monument) 


WILLIAM, Son of Major William 
and Mrs. Anne LEDYARD, 

died Sept the 14th 1777 
in the nth Year of his Age 

Whoe'er thou art that doest approach 

The dreary mansions of the Dead, 

Let not thy hasty feet encroach 

Or on these sacred manes tread 

But if soft pity moves thy breast 

Or inocence invites thy thoughts 

If blooming youth or lovely crest 

With beauties brightest raptures wrought 

If all that flattering hope could boast 

Or fondest wishes centred here 

Think wh [stone broken] 





{Now within the inclosure of the monument) 

[broken] YOUNG 

Son of Col 



died May 23D 



Henry Young 



{Now within the inclosure of the monument) 




Here lies ye Bo 
dy of Mr Benja 
min Ledyard he 
Departed this Life 
April 7th 1777 in 
ye 76th year of 
his age 



Benjamin Ledyard 


the 2d Wife of 


Who died 

Octr 2d 1789 

In the 30th Year of her Age 

{Foots tone) 



Avery 2d 


In Memory of 
Who departed this Life 
March 17 1762 
aged 32 years 
Once did I stand amid Life's busy throng 
Healthy and active, vigorous & strong 
Oft' did I traverse Ocean's briny waves 
And safe escape a thousand gaping 
Yet dire disease has stopd my vital 
And here I lie, the prisoner of Death 
Reader, expect not lengthened days 
to see 
Or if thou dost, think, think, ah think 
of me 


In Memory of 

William ye Son 

of Capt Youngs 

Ledyard & Mary 

his wife, who 

died Janr 30th 

1761, aged 10 
Mo & 19 Days 


In Memory of 


the Wife of 


Who died 

Octr 31st 1784 

In the 36th Year of her Age 

(Footstone ) 





In Memory of 


In Memory of 


the 3d Wife of 


Who died 

Jan 2 1 st 1797 

In the 40th Year of her Age 






In Memory of 


Who died 

Sep 1 8th 1 821 

Aged 25 Years 

O. A. 


In Memory of 


Who died 

April 1st 1795 

In the 37th Year 

of her Age 







LEDYARD, Son of 



July 17th 1793 

Aged 6 Years 

& 13 Days 








Wife) Died FEB: 

12th 1782 Aged 1 

Month & 4 


who died 
Jan 10th 1828 
Aged 81 Years 


(Not of Ledyard family) 





who was mortally wounded 

making heroic exertions 

for the defense of 


Sep 6th, of which he died 

the 7th A D: 1781 
in the 31st Year of his Age 





who died 

Nov 17th 1796 

Aged 36 Years 








ESQre & MARY his 

Wife. heTiedSepr 

ye 5 1778 Aged 

7 Days 


to the Memory of 


who died 

Sep 29th AD 181 1 

aged 75 years 

& 5 months 



Sacred lies here ye Body 



YARD He Departed this 

Life August ye 19th 1770 

Aged eleven Months 

Tho children are to Parents Given 
Yet soon they may be called to Heaven 
The Rarest Blessings from Heaven obtained 
Must be Returned again with hearts Unfeign'd 
For Him neither Sigh Mourn or Weep 
Since in Jesus (trust) he now doth Sleep 
Sleep on Sweet Babe & take thy Rest 
Since Heaven thought it to be Best 



In Memory of 



the amiable wife of 


Born Janry 6th 1739 

Died Febry 15th 1779 

being 40 Years one 

Month & 12 days old 

No Inscription 





& MARY (his 

Wife) died APRIL 

15th 1788 Aged 

9 Years 7 months 

& 18 Days 

B. L. 





to the Memory of 


Son of 


who died 

March 4 1823 

aged 38 years 

who departed this Life 

Dec 18th 1795 

in the 24th Year of her Age 

Midst joyous scenes, in life's propitious gale 
Sickness and Death with Vigour me assail, 
While Hope fair blooming from celestial skies 
Cheers up my heart and bids my soul arise 

{Foot stone) 




Not of the Ledyard family 


In Memory of 


Late consort of 



In Memory of 


DYARD, Son of John 

and Abigail Ledyard 

who died Deer 9 1759 

aged 3 Mo & 20 Days 

Happy the Babe 
Who Privileged by Fate 
To shorten Labour 
And a lighter weight 
Received but yesterday. 

From a sketch drawn in 1858 


The Old Ledyard House at Hartford was built by John Ledyard 
(Judge Ledyard as he was called), who died in I77i,and whose remains 
lie near a shapely tomb in the old centre, Burial Ground, at Hartford, 
stood on the northeast corner of Arch and Prospect Streets, facing south 
on Arch Street, a two story heavily timbered frame wood house, with 
plain straight roof. Its front extended from fifty to sixty feet, and its 
depth from thirty-five to forty. A wide hall, with a long straight and 
broad staircase of easy ascent, ran through the building. The rooms 
were large and lofty. There were two chimneys in the body of the 
house between the rooms. There were two windows on the west, and 
three on the east side of the front door. The doors were without 
porches. An L construction, in which was a kitchen and a well-room,, 
joined the main building at the northeast corner. The cellar was 
under east half of house, with a Canto entrance on the east side from 
the L. There was a window at each of the east and west ends of the 
long attic or garret, in which a staircase led up the northwest corner. 
At each side of the front door stood a cedar tree, that on the east side of 
great size. About thirty feet from the house, on the west side, stood a 
row of elm trees, and a tree of the same kind near the house in the rear. 
The grade of the ground inclined upwards towards the north. In order 
to adapt the building to the accommodation of two families, a brick 
kitchen was erected about 1830, connecting with the main building, at. 
the northwest corner. In the rear of the house, within one hundred 
and fifty feet, stood a small one-and-a-half story house, probably origi- 
nally built for the accommodation of the negro servants. It was occu- 
pied by colored families for many years, and was torn down between 
1835 and i860. It was not included in the property in 1835, but was 
entered from Prospect Street. 

Ledyard House must have been one of the handsomest residences 
of the town, and was torn down between 1865 and 1870. The site of 
the whole property described is at this time (1878) covered with the 
lawn of a residence in Prospect Street. The cedar trees were destroyed 
several years, but most of the elm trees are still standing. Prospect 
Street was laid out and opened I believe by Colonel Jeremiah Wads- 
worth, probably about 1790. The drawing of the house is as I remem- 
ber it in 1835. It was owned by my father. 

Hartford, Conn. EDWARD W. WELLS 


From Guilford Court House to the Siege of York 

Narrated in the letters from yudge St. George Tucker to his wife 


There is now a gap of two months in this series of letters. Major 
Tucker belonged to the militia, and so returned home when that body 
received its discharge after the battle of Guilford Court House. The 
interim, though short, was of the utmost importance. 

Cornwallis, broken with the force of his victory, pursued his march 
to Wilmington. His route could have been tracked by the number of 
new-made graves, if he had left no other traces behind him of the pro- 
gress of a distressed army. The rapid removal of the wounded 
succeeding the action at Guilford now began to tell upon the royal 
forces, hardy, disciplined men though they were ; and in a strange and 
hostile country many of these poor fellows sank on the roadside, died, 
were hastily buried by the rude hands of soldiers, left to mould away in 
unmarked graves, and were forgotten. A truly melancholy fate! Gen- 
eral Greene, under innumerable and humiliating difficulties, pursued 
the retreating victors for sixty miles with great spirit, but an unavoid- 
able detention gave Cornwallis a day's advantage, and made the pursuit 
hopeless. The American General then turned his face towards South 
Carolina, and Cornwallis accomplished the remainder of his journey un- 
molested. In a letter written to General Phillips, April 24th, the British 
commander bemoans his situation [vide Tarleton's Campaigns, p. 328]. 
Greene had taken advantage of the Earl's necessity and marched into 
South Carolina, and the only thing left for the British to do was to turn 
their attention toward Virginia. This they did, and on the morning of 
April 25th the journey was begun which led them to their fate. The 
plan was that Cornwallis should unite the two branches of the army by 
meeting Phillips, the General of the " Convention troops," and Arnold, 
the traitor, at Petersburg. However, General Phillips died on the 13th 
of May, and the command of the forces fell upon Arnold, from whom 
it had formerly been taken on account of the contempt and hatred in 


which he was held by the soldiery. On the 20th of May Cornwallis 
entered Petersburg, and the union between the two armies was effected. 
Cornwallis' chief design was to prevent the junction between General 
Wayne, who was approaching from the north with a large body of Con- 
tinentals, and Lafayette, who was at that time in Richmond ; but the 
intrepid young Marquis was entirely too old a bird to catch at the chaff 
thrown out by the English Earl, and, despite all the stratagems directed 
against him, fell back to Culpepper Court House, where he was joined 
by General Wayne and eight hundred men of the Pennsylvania line. 

Foiled in this undertaking, Cornwallis directed his attention to two 
objects in another quarter. The first of these was Thomas Jefferson, 
whom General Phillips had contemptuously termed the " American 
Governor of Virginia," and the Legislature, then assembled at Char- 
lottesville. Accordingly Tarleton was dispatched "with one hundred 
and eighty dragoons, supported by Captain Campagne of the Twenty- 
third Regiment and seventy mounted infantry," to catch the Governor 
and the lawmakers together. However, the future President of the 
United States escaped through a back door into the woods that encircled 
his mountain home, and the Legislature, at the approach of the British, 
disbanded to meet at a later date in Staunton. Seven members of this 
Assembly were, nevertheless, captured by the enemy. 

The other design that occupied the mind of Cornwallis at this time 
was the seizing of the fort at the junction of the James and Rivanna 
Rivers, and known as the Point of Fork. At this place there was 
a large quantity of military stores, defended by Baron Steuben and, 
according to Burk (History of Virginia, Vol. IV., p. 496), six hundred 
new levies intended for the army in the south, with as many more 
militia under General Lawson, among whom Avas St. George Tucker, 
now elevated to the grade of lieutenant-colonel. In Marshall's Life of 
Washington, however, it is stated that there were between five and six 
hundred men under the Baron, together with a. few of the militia, at the 
fort at this time. This latter statement is more nearly correct, to judge 
from these letters. Colonel Simcoe, with five hundred men, was detached 
by Cornwallis to attack this fort at the same time that Tarleton pro- 
ceeded against the Sage of Monticello, Charlottesville, and the Conscript 
Fathers there assembled. When Simcoe reached the fort, to his great 
surprise he found it vacant and the forces under Baron Steuben stationed 
on the south bank of the James. The cause of this movement on the part 
of the Americans was the approach of Tarleton, which they supposed 
was directed against them. When the British found their prey was 


nearly beyond their grasp, their commander resolved upon a stratagem 
whic,h proved effectual beyond his expectations. The British forces were 
stretched in a long line upon the northern bank of the river, the bag- 
gage was placed upon the summit of a hill in a small body of woods, 
which mystified the amount, and numerous camp fires were lighted in 
every direction — and all this was done to lead the Prussian soldier to 
believe that the whole of the royal army was pursuing him. The unsus- 
pecting Baron was completely duped. He ordered the boats to be 
destroyed, and in the middle of the night retreated, leaving behind him 
the greater part of the supplies which had been transported from the 
fort. Among the booty taken by the British were several brass how- 
itzers, which were remounted at Yorktown, and there retaken by the 
Americans. These are supposed to be the same guns which were 
afterwards exhibited at the armory at Richmond. St. George Tucker's 
letters, which were resumed at this period, will now speak for them- 
selves. The first was written at Callan's Ordinary, and has no date, 
but its contents plainly indicate the period at which it was written : 

"The Baron is retreating from the Point of Fork, and proposes, as I hear, to go to Prince 
Edward Court House. This being the case, you will lose no time in endeavoring to remove your- 
self and our little ones out of the way. * * * Be not alarmed, as you wdl have time 
to set out between this and twelve to-night." 

Mrs. Tucker was residing at this time at a large plantation called 
Bizarre, lying on the north bank of the Appomattox River, just 
opposite Farmville. Mr. Edgar Ward, the artist, has spent much of the 
past summer in making a painting of this farm as a specimen of an old 
Virginia tobacco plantation. Upon the reception of the above laconic 
epistle, Mrs. Tucker, very much alarmed at the approach of an undis- 
ciplined and retreating army, retired to another plantation in Charlotte 
county. This plantation has since become celebrated by the name of 
Roanoke, the home of the eccentric John Randolph, who was Mrs. 
Tucker's youngest son by a former marriage. After the arrival of the 
fugitives at Roanoke, there came a letter saying that this refuge was 
unsafe. The British were at Buckingham Court House, marching south- 
ward. Hemmed in on one side by friends and on the other by foes, 
Mrs. Tucker was at a loss to find a place of safety for herself and five 
little children, when the following letter was received: 

" Prince Edward C. H., Friday, half after six p. m. 
" I wrote to you at one o'clock by Syphax (his body servant). I am now happy enough to 
inform you that there is not that necessity for your removing that I apprehended at that time. We 
have since received certain intelligence that the enemy are not at Buckingham Court House, nor 


have they crossed James River any where but at the Point of Fork, and there only to the number 
of about one hundred. When I wrote; the Baron was apprehensive that they aimed at intercep'ing 
his baggage, and throwing themselves between him and the Roanoke. Had this been the case, 
you would have been in some danger ; as it is not, you may be assured that you are in perfect 
security.' ******* 

"Camp at Wilkes' Creek, three miles below Charlotte Court House, 

June ioth, 1781. 
" Your letter relieved me from a good deal of anxiety which I felt lest you should have set out 
before Guy reached you with my last letter. I am now very happy in reflecting that the alarm 
which my letter produced was of such short duration. * * * j/he Baron took leave 
of me at eleven o'clock yesterday with these words : — ' Perhaps I shall not have the pleasure of 
seeing you so soon again.' Accordingly at four o'clock the militia halted at this place, while the 
regulars proceeded on their march over the Roanoke. We have since received no further intelli- 
gence of the enemy, except that they had not crossed at Carter's Ferry at ten o'clock yesterday. 
Gen. Lawson is now at the Couit House. If I can obtain leave to visit you when he returns, I 
shall be the bearer of this myself : otherwise, I shall subjoin a postscript, in which I shall give you 
the best account I am capable of, of what we expect to do. I am told that a general exchange has 
been agreed on between Gen. Greene and Lord Comwallis relative to the southern department, 
and that our prisoners are to set out from Charlestown on board of flags on the 15th instant, to be 
delivered at James Town. Should this be the case, I shall be in hopes of seeing my brother [Dr. 
Thomas Tudor Tuckev, then a prisoner at Charleston, afterwards Treasurer of the United States] 
before long. Kiss my poor little sick Harry for me, and give Fan a remembrance of the like 
nature to make up for my not giving her a like token of attachment when I parted from you in 
the road. Remember me tenderly to the boys." 

Harry and Fan became respectively Judge Henry St. George 

Tucker, President of the Court of Appeals in Virginia, and Mrs. Judge 

Coalter. The boys were the three Randolphs, the children of Mrs. 

Tucker's first marriage. 

" Ordinary, Cumberland Co., June 15th, 1781. 

" As my last letter was the child of hunger, so this is in some measure the offspring of fatigue — the 
result of marching at one o'clock this morning before my first nap was well digested. However, 
as fatigue is more tolerable than hunger, you will probably receive a less laconic epistle than the 

" I am now to give you the best account I can of our movements. The Baron's corps joined us 
last night at Prince Edward C. H., and to-morrow they are to march after us towards James river. 
The Baron himself is now down about Carter's Ferry reconnoitring. We have just received certain 
intelligence that Cornwallis moved down the river the day before yesterday as low as Goochland 
Court House ; and I believe it may be relied on that the Marquis is moving towards James river, 
in order, I hope, to form a junction with the Baron and Lawson. But this is rather conjecture than 
the result of information, as we were only by report made acquainted with the fact that he had 
crossed the northern branch of the James river, about eight miles below Charlottesville, two days 
ago. ******* 

" As we do not know what is meant by this movement of his Lordship, I wish you to stand 
your ground until I can advise you to return to Bizarre, which — I flatter myself — will not be long. 
If the Marquis has a sufficient number of horse, I think he will be strong enough to attack him 
(Cornwallis) when the Baron and militia join him. Wayne certainly brought 1,200 excellent troops 
with him. Morgan has or will join in a few days with five hundred riflemen ; and I presume Weeden 


and Nelson are not without their numbers also. As to ours, we shall make 1,000 I presume, in- 
cluding the regulars. Perhaps the Cumberland and Powhatan militia may augment the numbers 
still more." 

The next letter was dated at Camp near Mr. N. W. Dandridge's, 
Hanover Co., June 20th, 1781, but contains little of general interest, 
although in the intervening period the militia had joined Lafayette's 
army. The following extract is about all : 

11 Dr. Fayssoux will give you all the news of the camp, which I shall therefore omit, except that 
we arrived here yesterday. 1 have not yet had the honor of kissing the Marquis' hand, but as Skip- 
with and myself are just about to make our conges to him, Fayssoux will probably be able to tell 
you whether we are able to support ourselves under such a load of honor. If our hopes are con- 
firmed, Cornwallis may in a few days be glad to retire before the Marquis ; if our apprehensions, 
on the contrary, should be justly founded, I may perhaps wish you beyond the mountains. There 
is a fleet of thirty-four sail of transports arrived in James river. We are induced by circum- 
stances to hope they were sent here empty from New York to convey the army to the relief of that 
place, which, we hear from tolerable authority, is invested by General Washington at the head of 
the grand army of the States and their allies. Should this conjecture prove false, and the ships 
bring reinforcement to my Lord, we may be obliged to retreat a second time. My ink is so much 
exhausted that I can with difficulty squeeze out as much from the cotton as will enable me to send 
my love to you all." 

From the next letter, dated Bottom's Bridge, June 24th, I make only 
the following extract : 

11 We have now a considerable, not to call it a formida^'o, army. The British are moving 
down to Williamsburg, we hear. But whether this movement is a manoeuvre or a retreat, is not for 
me to determine. Many are sanguine enough to fancy it the latter, while others are not wanting 
who put the former construction on their conduct. I have not time to add any more than my affec- 
tionate regards to you all, except that I think you may return to Bizarre for the present, always 
observing to hold yourselves in readiness for retreat if necessary. Poor Jack ! [John Randolph of. 
Roanoke] I am truly sorry for him on account of the lingering disorder with which he is pestered." 

The next letter was writen a few hours after the above, and at the 
same place, and contains a fuller account of the operations of the two 
armies : 

" I wrote you a letter before daylight this morning, and sent it by a person whom I directed to 
call at Owen's Ferry on his way to Halifax County. As I was in some degree of hurry at that time, 
I omitted some trifling observations which may serve as chit-chat to fill up this letter. 

"By Dr. Fayssoux I wrote you that we had joined the Marquis, but that I had not yet had the 
honor of seeing nim. It is no longer the case, as I had that very evening that pleasure. We dined 
with him next day. But I have not had an opportunity of forming any fixed idea relative to 
him. He is tall, genteel, easy and affable, but his face does not appear to correspond perfectly 
with his person. He has a high forehead, is nearly bald — though very young — and his hair is 
rather sandy than auburn, though perhaps it may admit of a dispute. Thus much for his person. 
His extreme popularity renders the idea of his talents indisputable. I shall therefore offer nothing 
on that head, as it would be the highest presumption to imagine that a few moments could confer an 
intuitive knowledge of a great man. 


•' The next day I had the satisfaction of seeing the Pennsylvania Line on their march. They 
were a splendid and formidable corps. If the laurels which they win bear any proportion to the 
plumes they are adorned with, the heroes of antiquity will soon sink into oblivion. Were I a native 
of Laputa, with the assistance of a quadrant I might possibly calculate the altitude of that which 
nods over the brow of their General. Their military pride promises much, for the first step to make 
a good soldier is to entertain a consciousness of personal superiority ; and this consciousness is said 
to prevail in the breasts of these men, even to the meanest private in the ranks. 

" Our force— as I mentioned this morning — is respectable, not to say formidable. We have 
from 2,000 to 2,500 regular troops — including the new levies under the Baron — perhaps even a 
greater number. The militia from different quarters, I believe, will make the amount of our army 
between five and six thousand men. What number of horse or mounted infantry we have I am not 
acquainted with, but, as it is a prevailing idea that the enemy are not so formidable in cavalry as- 
they have been represented, this matter is of less importance. Lord Cornwallis is supposed to be 
marching towards Williamsburg, and we shall lose no time in following him, I hope. Our army is 
in spirits, and our officers sanguine. What renders our situation still better is that no militia are to 
be discharged until a relief arrives from their several counties. Thus much for the army. * * *". 

"Camp, Beaver Dam Creek, New Kent Co., 
23 miles above Williamsburg, June 28th, 1781. 
" The whole of the enemy's army has retired to Williamsburg. We hear that they have had a 
reinforcement within these three or four days, but from whence, and what number, we have not 
been able to collect, though the fact, I believe, is not to be doubted. It is reported that they were 
embarking some of their baggage, but whether there is any foundation for this report is quite uncer- 
tain. There v/c: z tr:£i:r~ skirmish between our advanced party and Simcoe three days ago, in 
which a few of the riflemen were hacked about the head, and in return, it is said, killed or wounded 
some of their antagonists, but I have not heard what number. We are lying pretty still at this 
place, and I am in hopes we shall continue to do so, as I do not think it would be very prudent for 
the Marquis to act offensively against an army whose numbers he is for the present unacquainted 
with. Indeed, I am persuaded he has no such intention. We want more men, for many of the 
militia have deserted lately, from a presumption that their time of duty had expired. Their con- 
duct has been, in some instances, to the last degree infamous. I am not a little out of humor on 
that account. You will be surprised to see Hob [his horse] return with Col. Holcombe. He was. 
taken with a violent inflammation in the eyes, and from that moment he has been utterly unfit for 
service. Rest, and rest alone, can recruit him. 

The " trifling skirmish " mentioned in the above letter took place 
about six miles above Williamsburg, between a detachment of the Penn- 
sylvania line under Col. Butler, who afterward fell in the defeat of St. 
Clair, and Lieut.-Col. Simcoe, who was returning from an expedition to 
the Chickahominy, where he had been sent to destroy boats and stores. 
Both the Americans and British claimed the victory, or rather the 
advantage, in this skirmish. Upwards of thirty were killed and 
wounded on each side, and the British took three officers and twenty- 
eight privates as prisoners. Simcoe then rejoined Cornwallis at Wil- 
liamsburg, and Butler retired to the American army, which was lying 
about fifteen miles from the field of battle. Simcoe considered this en- 
gagement "the climax of a campaign of five years." [ Vide Simcoe, p. 234.] 


"Eighteen Miles above Williamsburg, July 5th, 1781. 

* * * " I do not recollect that any very material occurrence has taken place in our own 
army since that time (i. e. , when he last wrote), except the feu dejoie with which yesterday was cele- 
brated as the anniversary of independence. I shall not be surprised if fame should tell the little 
world around that we had a most bloody battle, in which numbers of heroes fell victims to the rage 
of war. But happily no blood was spilt on that occasion, although the morning was ushered in by 
an unlucky accident which may possibly cost Skipwith's Major Purcell his arm or his life. He was 
shot in his tent by a gun which was discharged by a careless soldier, and was wounded in the body 
and in the arm, in the joint of which the ball is now lodged. It is feared he will lose the use of his 
arm, even if an amputation is not necessary. 

" At an entertainment given by the Marquis yesterday, I had the pleasure of seeing Colonel 
Stewart, who very politely enquired after you. He is the same pretty fellow that he ever was. and 
wears a plume almost as large as Gen. Wayne's himself. I wrote you before that the Pennsylvania 
line abounded in these decorations. I will venture to affirm that all the ostriches that ever appeared 
on the table of Heliogabalus would be insufficient to furnish the whole army in the same profuse 
style. They put me in mind of the army marching to Dunsinane when mistaken by Macbeth for 
Birnam wood ; for the feathers appear before you can well discover the shoulders to which the head 
that supports them is annexed. We had a splendid entertainment, and, in order to assist digestion, 
marched from sunset till the break of day. 

" The enemy have certainly quitted Williamsburg. We are told they are embarking at James 
Town, but whether this is really the case, or whether they mean only to cross to the other side of 
the river, is a mystery. No news of the Charleston fleet. Order Tony to pay the utmost attention 
to Hob, who is now on my list of pensioners. His services demand it." 

"Williamsburg, July nth, 1781. 
" My ever dear Fanny : Could I have entertained a doubt of the propriety of my conduct in 
endeavoring to remove you beyond the reach of the British army, the sight of this unhappy spot 
must immediately have removed it. The traces of British cruelty were but faint as they marched 
through the country. Here they remained for some days, and with them pestilence and famine 
took root, and poverty brought up the rear. Instead of attempting a florid description of the hor- 
rors of this place, I will endeavor to give you an account of the situations of a few individuals 
with whom you are acquainted. Our friend Madison and his lady (they have lost their son) were 
turned out of their house to make room for Lord Cornwallis. Happily the College afforded them 
an asylum. They were refused the small privilege of drawing water from their own well. A con- 
temptuous treatment, with the danger of starving, were the only evils which he recounted, as none 
of his servants left him. The case was otherwise with Mr. McClung. He has no small servant 
left, and but two girls. He feeds and saddles his own horse, and is philosopher enough to enjoy 
the good that springs from the absence of the British, without repining at what he lost by them. 
Poor Mr. Cocke was deserted by his favorite man, Clem ; and Mrs. Cocke, by the loss of her cook, 
is obliged to have recourse to her neighbours to dress her dinner for her. They have but one little 
boy — who is smaller than Tom — left to wait on them within doors. I believe they are as badly off 
without. The old gentleman talks of going to Cumberland, as he says he is now entirely ruined. 
But this is not all. The smallpox, which the hellish polling of these infamous wretches has spread 
in every place through which they have passed, has now obtained a crisis throughout the place, so 
that there is scarcely a person to be found well enough to nurse those who are most afflicted by it. 
Your old friend Aunt Betty is in that situation. A child of Sir Peyton Skipwith, who is with her, 
was deserted by its nurse ; and the good old lady was left without a human being to assist her in 
any respect for some days. As the British plundered all that they could, you will conceive how 
great an appearance of wretchedness this place must exhibit. To add to the catalogue of mortifi- 
cations, they constrained all the inhabitants of the town to take paroles. After tyrannizing ten 


days here, they went to James Town, where they were attacked by our advanced parties. In a 
letter which I wrote you the other day, I gave you an exaggerated account of the skirmish, for it 
deserves no higher epithet. Our loss, as I was informed by the best authority, was thirty-two 
killed and missing and fifty-three wounded. Of the missing seventeen were left by the British at 
James Town, badly wounded. It is suspected by many that the British did not lose more men 
than we did. Thus, what I represented to you in a former letter as a very important affair, turns 
out to be little more than a fray. The British have since crossed at Cobham, and their ships have 
gone down the river. Our army is in motion. I am told we are to cross at Hood's. But I shall 
not join them for some days, for a reason which you will be acquainted with in the sequel. Among 
the plagues the British left in Williamsburg, that of flies is inconceivable. It is impossible to eat, 
drink, sleep, write, sit still, or even walk about in peace on account of their confounded stings. 
Their numbers exceed all description, unless you look into the eighth chapter of Exodus for it. 

" A flag from Charlestown came to James Town the night before last. I went thither imme- 
diately ; and was happy enough to hear that my brother is actually arrived at Hampton, being on 
board a hospital ship. For want of pilots, or for some other reason, the rest of the fleet have not 
come up the river yet. I shall remain here, unless peremptorily ordered to join the army, until poor 
Tom comes up. Gen. Moultrie, with his lady, is well. They are to set out for Philadelphia soon 
in a private flag. All our brethren who were taken at Charlestown, including those sent to St. 
Augustine, are either exchanged or paroled to any part of America not within twelve miles of a 
British army. The wives and children of all these are to be sent out of Charlestown in a few 

weeks. The number of those men who basely took paroles in Charlestown is too great. Tell 

her favorite niece is under close confinement in Gen. Greene's army, having been detected in 

endeavoring to go into Ninety-six with dispatches of very great importance. The detection of 
these dispatches has given our old General more pleasure than anything of the kind. I know not 

whether our laws will hang a lady, but if they would seems, from what I am told, to 

have merited that fate. Mr. Starke is at length on parole in Charlestown. His further enlarge- 
ment is to be the subject of a further discussion between Gen. Greene and Lord Cornwallis. We 
have no further news. ****** 

" Tell my poor boys (the Randolphs) that I am unhappy whenever I think of the valuable time 
they are losing. Beg Dick in my name to set his brother a good example by minding his book ; 
and tell them I am sure they will follow it. Poor fellows ! I am more anxious for them than they 
will ever believe at a future day. Remember me with a tenderness truly parental to them, for 
such they may be assured I feel towards them." * * * * 

" Our friend Madison " was the Bishop of Virginia, at that time 
President of William and Mary College. He resided at the Presi- 
dent's House, which stands in the college grounds, to the left of the 
college itself, and but a short distance from it. In the above letter 
it is stated that he was ejected to make room for Lord Cornwallis, 
from which I infer that the Earl made this building his headquarters. 
I have searched various authorities on the subject, but can find no 
mention of such an occurrence. Bishop Madison and Judge Tucker 
were intimate and strong friends, both before and after the Revolution, 
as the letters that passed between them testify, and on that account, if 
no other, I consider these Revolutionary letters good authority in 
this instance. The President's House is a building of great historic 
interest. Its foundation was laid on the 31st of July, 1732. The Rev. 



Mr. (Commissary) Blair, then President of the college ; the Rev. Thomas 
Dawson, afterwards Commissary of Virginia and fourth President of 
the college; Joshua Fry, Professor of Mathematics, and afterwards a 
Colonel, under whom Washington served ; the Rev. William Stith, who 
became the third President of the college, and Avrote a history of Vir- 
ginia; and a Mr. Fox, Master of the Indian School, plated the first 
five bricks in regular order, one after another. During the Revolution 
it was occupied at different times by the British, French and Americans. 
While it was in the hands of the French it was burned, although the 
walls were not materially injured. Louis XVI., however, caused it to 
be restored, and at the same time made a handsome donation of five or 
six hundred volumes to the College library. These volumes, together 
with " many curious and rare books, with some manuscripts, chiefly 
presented by Kings, Archbishops, Bishops and Governors, and the 
cabinet of apparatus, in which were instruments more than a century 
old, the gift of the Colonial House of Burgesses," were destroyed in 
1859, when the college was for the second time consumed by the 
devouring flames. The President's House is, I believe, the only build- 
ing in this country erected at the private cost of a reigning sovereign. 

James McClung, the second sufferer from the ravages of the British 
mentioned by St. George Tucker, was Professor of Anatomy and Medi- 
cine in the College of William and Mary. 

With regard to the name of the lady who was detected in traitorious 
designs at the siege of Ninety-six, I propose to give no clue, as I cannot 
find her name given in any history containing an account of her per- 
formances, and I have consulted a great number. On that account I 
have suppressed all names given in this letter which appertain to that 
occurrence. The lady's family was a good one, and was connected and 
brought into daily contact with the first families of Virginia. 

The next letter was dated at Williamsburg, Sept. 5th, 1781. For a 
long time I was unable to account for the interruption in the corre- 
spondence, but at last I by accident chanced to examine some letters 
written at this period by Mrs. Tucker to her husband, and in one dated 
September 7th I found a solution of the mystery. In that letter she 
said : " It has now been two weeks since we parted." How did they 
meet, and where? is the next question. After consulting many dusty 
tomes, I found that the militia received a discharge in the month of 
July. Their reprieve, however, was of short duration, as their services 
were required to assist at the siege of Yorktown, and to share the 
honors of that illustrious event. 


" Williamsburg, Sept. 5th, 1781. 

" Let every heart exult with joy and gratitude to that Providence whose arm, I trust, is now- 
raised to protect and defend our country, and establish peace and happiness in the stead of those 
cruelties and oppressions under which the miserable inhabitants of the Southern States have groaned 
for a tedious length of time. Let us by our own exertions endeavor to merit those blessings which 
nothing but the adverse interposition of a superior Being can, in all human probability, now wrest 
from our hands ! 

"Let every honest Whig, every American who dares avow himself a friend to the liberties of 
his country, and every miserable wretch who has felt the horrors of this war, now raise his voice in 
praise of that Prince whose vigorous arm is held forth to raise us from the deepest distress to the 
pinnacle of glory, and to restore us to peace and confirm us in independence ! Let every aged 
parent, every tender mother, every helpless orphan, every blooming virgin, and every infant tongue 
unite, and with one voice cry out, ' God save Louis the Sixteenth ! ' 

"Again, let all these join, and with hearts glowing with grateful acknowledgments to their 
protector, their deliverer, and the saviour of their country, implore an uninterrupted profusion of 
blessings on the head of the glorious and immortal Washington! 

" Thus much for rant! But, to a heart overflowing with the most happy presages of felicity, 
nothing is more difficult than to avoid giving vent to its ebullitions. To you — and it is to you alone 
that I address myself— I need not apologize for any extravagance of sentiment or of diction that this 
letter contains. Hear then, my Fanny, from me what perhaps you have not heard yet from good 
authority. About the middle of last week twenty-nine ships of the line and four frigates arrived in 
our bay, with four thousand land forces sent to our assistance by Louis the Great. Besides these 
there are three thousand marines to be landed in case of an emergency. Of the fleet there are ten- 
sixty-fours; eighteen seventy-fours, and one ship of an hundred and ten guns ! A fleet of twelve 
sail of the line has arrived in the West Indies to keep the enemy still employed in that quarter. Of 
the troops, three thousand five hundred landed at James Town three days ago, and are now on their 
march to this city. Five hundred are left on board to land at York river. The fleet lies from 
Lynnhaven bay to the mouth of York river, and some, we are informed, have proceeded within 
two or three miles of the town. The British fleet still lies at York, and their land forces are now 
in the town. The Count de Grasse, by a flag, declared to the Admiral or the Commodore of the 
British fleet that he would put every man to the sword who should fall into his hands if the fleet 
was destroyed. This from report. Lord Rawdon is actually a prisoner on board the French fleet, 
having been taken on his way to London with all his plunder. Gov. Bull of Charlestown is in the 
like predicament. Our troops lie from four miles beyond this town to near James Town ; so that 
Cornwallis is as effectually hemmed in as our troops were in Charlestown. Our force may now be 
reckoned to be eight thousand men — of which six thousand are regulars — exclusive of the marines 
whom I mentioned above. Nor is this all, for, to my great surprise and pleasure, I was this morn- 
ing informed from undoubted authority that General Washington is at the Head of Elk with five 
thousand troops, which are to be embarked from thence in transports sent there for that purpose, of 
which the Marquis last night received official accounts from General Washington in a letter dated at 
Chatham. I have not yet done. The French fleet of ten line of battle ships, which lay at Rhode 
Island, are now actually on their way hither, and are daily expected. Whether the Count de 
Rochambeau, with his troops, is on board, I know not, nor, indeed, is it very material, I conceive. 
If after such a torrent of good news I could wish to add another article, it would be that Lord Corn- 
wallis, with his whole army, were in our possession. But this I hope in that providence to which I 
prostrate myself with grateful adoration for the present happy aspect of our affairs, will be the sub- 
ject of some future letter ; or that I may, to the happiness of seeing you again, add that of being- 
able to give you the first notice of so important and so happy an event. My paper would blush to 
contain matters of lesser moment after what I have written." 


The next letter, written Sept. 6th, is nothing more than a recapitula- 
tion of the events chronicled in its predecessor, with the following 
addition : 

" Our army lies from the half-way house — six miles below Williamsburg on the Yorktown 
road — to Green Spring [celebrated as the home of Sir William Berkeley]. The enemy are fortifying 
York. Their fleet must inevitably fall. And, unless our own ill conduct prevents it, or the imme- 
diate hand of providence interposes in behalf of Lord Cornwallis and his army, there is not a doubt 
but we shall have a Burgoyne-ade in Virginia. Let those who dared to revile the French alliance 
now show their faces, if they can look up with confidence after so glorious an interposition of 
providence in behalf of America; as such a fleet and such an army — at so critical a juncture — mani- 
fests. My spirits are elevated to the highest pitch at the happy prospect now before us ; for cer- 
tainly the affairs of America never wore a more promising aspect than at this moment. The hopes 
of the whole British nation are centred in Lord Cornwallis. From his exertions they entertain not 
a doubt of the subjugation of all the Southern States. Yet in the very moment that their gazettes 
are filled with vaunting predictions of the absolute reduction of those States, to find them wrested 
out of their hands again, and their whole army — in which such confidence was reposed — captivated, 
must inevitably open their eyes, and convince them that a speedy peace with America is the only 
method of healing the deadly wounds which their country has received from the prosecution of 
the war. 

11 A militia officer, with eight horsemen, last night took an officer and six privates of the mounted 
infantry. The officer acknowledged that they were extremely uneasy at the clouds which seemed to 
gather round them and threatened nothing less than destruction from every quarter. Never was a 
man more sanguine than I am at this moment. To behold the means of ridding ourselves of such 
infernal enemies in our own hands and to reflect that the first General in the universe is at hand to 
direct our operations, afford a prospect as happy as that of Lord Cornwallis is dreadful. May that 
providence which seems to interpose at this moment on our side, confirm our hopes ! " 

"Williamsburg, Sept. 14th, 1781 
* * * << T^g ^ a y. or (j a y a £ ter mv jjjgj i etter was wr itten, a British fleet of fourteen sail of 
the line appeared off our capes. The Count de Grasse immediately dispatched twenty-two ships 
in pursuit of them. Four very soon came up with them and sustained a most heavy fire until ten 
others had also come up. The remaining eight had not yet reached their destined place when the 
night put an end to Capt. Lilly's observations, who went out in a small boat to reconnoitre. / am 
told that he says one British ship had struck to the French, and that the rest were flying from the 
victorious Count. Since that time we have a report that a schooner lately arrived brings advices 
that the fleets were seen the next morning — the French still in pursuit, having captured two of the 
British line. Certain it is the French have not returned ; from which it is concluded that they have 
continued the pursuit to New York, where, perhaps, they may continue to block them up, should 
it not be judged necessary for them to return hither to join in the reduction of York. We have 
still six line of battle ships remaining with us, which, when joined by those from Rhode Island, 
may be sufficient for any purposes we want. 

" General Washington is not yet arrived. He is certainly to bring eight thousand — I am told 
nine thousand — regular troops with him, including the Count de Rochambeau's troops. As soon as 
this junction is formed, I imagine we shall proceed to business. We shall then have no doubt of 
the honor of entertaining Lord Cornwallis & Co. in a different character from that in which they 
have sometimes been our guests, as our regular army at # the lowest computation will amount to 
fourteen thousand five hundred men. The militia — to their eternal shame — have not yet turned 
out in any numbers, so as to challenge to themselves the smallest share of the honor and glory of 
reducing an enemy who has ravaged their country hitherto with perfect impunity. We shall be 


reviled for our pusillanimity, or our lethargic indifference to the calls of Liberty, Honor, Glory, 
and even Victory, who seems now standing in front of our army with her sword ready brandished 
to smite the foe whenever we give the word to battle. Rant ! 

" By what channel I know not — but we heard from York yesterday that the British had received 
an account there of an attack made on West Point, in which they were repulsed with the loss of 
fifteen hundred men — among whom was the infamous Arnold, who fell before those works on 
which he would have been executed, had not Fate too partially decreed him the death of a soldier 
instead of that of a traitor. I do not know that any confidence is to be placed on this story. In 
telling it, therefore, it would not be proper to consider it as any thing more than vague report ; yet 
I received it from Andrews, who, you know, is in the Governor's family, and possesses his unlimited 
confidence. * * * " 

" The vague report" concerning the death of Arnold had of course no 
foundation ; unless the storming of Fort Griswold, which took place 
about the time that this letter was written, gave birth to the rumor. It 
simply proves that the human race possessed as great facilities for circu- 
lating reports in 1781 as they do at the present day." 

Williamsburg, Sept. 15th, 1781 
* * * "Amidst the late gloom the dawn of Happiness now appears, and the smiling prospect of 
Peace begins to be discovered. Can you assign a reason, my Fanny, why my style in several of my late 
letters so often breaks out into bombast? I wish I could avoid what I so cordially condemn; but I find 
that I am imperceptibly led from the exultation of mind, which I have for a fortnight experienced, 
to burst out into a turgid manner of writing which I condemn no less in myself than in others. I 
will endeavor to drop it, though my Fanny is the only person to whom I address myself. But if 
against my present resolution I should again transgress, let her impute it to those warm emotions 
which I find it somet mes difficult to suppress. 

" I wrote you yesterday that General Washington had not yet arrived. About four o'clock in 
the afternoon his approach was announced. He had passed our camp — which is now in the rear 
of the whole army — before we had time to parade the militia. The French line had just time to 
form. The Continentals had more leisure. He approached without any pomp or parade, attended 
only by a few horsemen and his own servants. The Count de Rochambeau and Gen. Hand, with 
one or two more officers, were with him. I met him as I was endeavoring to get to camp from 
town, in order to parade the brigade ; but he had already passed it. To my great surprise he 
recognized my features and spoke to me immediately by name. Gen. Nelson, the Marquis, &c, 
rode up immediately after. Never was more joy painted in any countenances than theirs. The 
Marquis rode up with precipitation, clasped the General in his arms, and embraced him with an 
ardor not easily described. The whole army and all the town were presently in motion. The 
General — at the request of the Marquis de St. Simon — rode through the French lines. The troops 
were paraded for the purpose, and cut a most splendid figure. He then visited the Continental 
line. As he entered the camp the cannon from the park of artillery and from every brigade 
announced the happy event. His train by this time was much increased ; and men, women, and 
children seemed to vie with each other in demonstrations of joy, and eagerness to see their beloved 
countryman. His quarters are at Mr. Wythe's (George Wythe, signer of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence) house. Aunt Betty has the honor of the Count de Rochambeau to lodge at her house. 
We are all alive and so sanguine in our hopes that nothing can be conceived more different than 
the countenances of the same men at this time and on the first of June. The troops which were 
to attend the General are coming down the bay ; a part — if not all— being already embarked at the 
Head of Elk. Cornwallis may now tremble for his fate, for nothing but some extraordinary 


interposition of his guardian angels seems capable of saving him and his whole army from cap- 
tivity. As I wish you to participate of every happiness and even every amusement that our 
country can afford, 1 beg you would prepare yourself for a trip to Williamsburgh should a 
similar event to that which brought you here four years ago, give occasion to similar expresssions 
of joy. I assure you I am serious in this request. And should such an event take place I shall 
be among the first to propose every public demonstration of joy that our situation will admit of, 
and by no means confine my ideas of general pleasure to our sex. In this case I shall ride post to 
bring you down. You will, however, for obvious reasons, suppress this part of my letter. 

" Since I wrote what follows, a confirmation of the news it contains has arrived. The French 
fleet brought in the Richmond and Iris, British frigates." 

This last passage, with the one which follows inclosed in brackets, 
was written between the lines after the letter was completed. 

" We have no other news worth relating. It is said, indeed, that the Count de Grasse has 
returned with more ships in his fleet than he sailed with. It is also said that the Rhode Island fleet 
has arrived. But neither of these pieces of intelligence are by any means authentic ; nor do I 
believe the smallest confidence is placed in them from the channel through which they were con- 
veyed. Yet neither of them is in the least improbable. On the contrary, they are such as may 
be reasonably expected ; and for this reason, perhaps, it happens that the report has taken 

("The Rhode Island fleet, I can now tell you, is certainly arrived, and the Count de Grasse 

In the foregoing letters we have seen how, by degrees, the army 
which invested and captured Yorktown drifted together. First, after 
the retreat from the Point of Fork, when the militia under Gen. Lawson 
and the levied troops under Baron Steuben, which were intended for 
the reinforcement of Gen. Greene, separated, we saw those two bodies 
come together again with another purpose. In northern Virginia we saw 
Gen. Wayne, with eight hundred Continentals of the Pennsylvania line, 
effect a junction with the gallant young Marquis whom Cornwallis con- 
temptuously termed " the boy." Soon after, we saw Lafayette and 
Wayne, and Steuben and Lawson, unite above Richmond and move 
down the peninsula on the track of the retreating British. At last, in 
the ancient and illustrious city of Williamsburg, we welcomed the 
arrival of Washington and Rochambeau, with the combined armies of 
France and America. Just before this we saw the Count de Grasse, 
with a fleet from the West Indies, glide into the Chesapeake, where he 
was joined soon after by the Count de Barras, with a naval force from 
Rhode Island. Slowly and surely these separate bodies came together 
and formed one black cloud, which lowered and finally broke in all its 
fury and vengeance over the head of the doomed army of Cornwallis. 

There now follow three letters written in close succession, which, 
however, contain nothing to interest the general public, and are, on that 


account, omitted. One of these letters contains a specimen of Judge 
Tucker's muse, which, however, accomplished some more finished 
and attractive works, one of which elicited some wonderful encomiums 
from the elder Adams. 

[Williamsburg] "Sept. 24th [1781] 
' ' I have not a word of news. Our army is every day arriving from the northward, but we are 
not yet in motion towards York. I forgot that a British Colonel was brought to town to-day, having 
bee. i taken by a single man — there were two others near, I am told — yesterday, as he was taking an 
airing in his chair a few miles below York, on the Hampton road." 

"Williamsburg, Sept. 27th, 1781. 

" The army is to march at five o'clock in the morning. * * * We have now the most 
formidable army assembled that, I believe, has ever been commanded at any one time by Gen. 
Washington since the commencement of the war. I estimate our force at about sixteen thousand 
men, of which thirteen thousand five hundred are regular troops — and of these seven thousand are 
the flower of the armies of the King of France. No troops on earth, I believe, can surpass them 
for bodily strength, agility, discipline and dexterity, in performing their manoeuvres. Independent 
of these, we have a number of militia in Gloucester with the Duke de Lauzun's legion of horse and 
infantry, and about a thousand militia at Swann's Point, and near the same number at other posts on 
that side of James river, which are now ordered over to join the army on this side the river. With 
such an army what have we not to hope ! I flatter myself that this campaign will, in the most 
brilliant manner, conclude the war in America. For, if our successes in this quarter in any degree 
correspond with ihose of our worthy and exalted Gen. Greene, Britain, in spite of her obduracy, 
must be convinced of the futility of prosecuting a war so disgraceful to her arms, so destructive to 
her honor, and so ruinous to her nation. Gen. Greene's late success will immortalize his name. 
The enemy, in killed, wounded and prisoners, lost one thousand and ten men. Of these upwards of 
seven hundred were left on the field either killed or wounded. The remainder were made prisoners 
unwounded. Our loss was also very great. I hear it amounted to near three hundred in killed and 
wounded. Among these were the greater part of the gallant Washington's corps, every officer of 
which — except Capt. Parsons — was either killed or wounded. Washington himself, in the midst of 
a severe charge, had his horse killed, was wounded and taken prisoner. He is enlarged on parole. 
Col. Campbell of Virginia was killed. Major Edmunds was wounded. Several other officers of 
distinction shared the same fate. I believe this account is so near the truth that some degree of 
confidence, if not the greatest, may be placed in it — at least as to the general event of the day. 

" I have no other news to entertain you with. In a few days I hope matters will begin to 
ripen here, and that my future letters will continue to be filled with intelligence of the most agree- 
able nature, until the grand object of our hopes is finally attained." * * * 

" Camp before York, Oct. 5th, 1781 
* * * «« The day after we took post at our present encampment, about two miles below 
York, the enemy evacuated several redoubts which they had thrown up on an advantageous piece of 
ground within point blank shot of their main works. These we immediately took possession of, and 
such as were calculated for our purpose have been added to them, while others are constructing in 
places better adapted to the business of commanding their works. They have in the meantime 
saluted us now and then with their cannon, but to very little purpose, as our men work under 
cover. In a day or two it is expected we shall return the compliment with interest. 

"The day before yesterday Tarleton, having crossed the river in the night, made an excur- 
sion into Gloucester with 200 horse and 400 infantry. They were repulsed by the Duke de 
Lauzun's legion and about 150 militia, with a loss of fifty men killed and wounded. Among 


the former was the officer who commanded the infantry, and Tarleton himself was among the 
latter, and, it is said, is badly wounded. We are told that his men rode over him in the pre- 
cipitancy of their flight, and bruised him very much. Our loss was three hussars (French 
dragoons) killed, and eleven, with an officer, wounded. Lord Cornwallis has in a great measure 
confessed his weakness, by giving up his advanced works without opposition, and his despair, by 
destroying about four hundred horses, which may be seen floating about in the river or lying dead 
on the shore. 

" By letters from Gen. Greene, he appears to have obtained a very complete, but at the same 
time a dear-bought, victory. Our loss amounted to five hundred and twenty-five men in killed, 
wounded and missing. Of these 395 were Continentals. The enemy, including prisoners, lost 
above thirteen hundred men. Five hundred were made prisoners. So bloody, and at the same 
time so glorious, a victory, has scarcely ever crowned the American arms before. If our success 
here should correspond with his at the south, I have no doubt that a speedy peace must be the 
result of the present campaign. We have every thing to hope, and less than we ever had hereto- 
fore to fear. In short, I think nothing but the intervention of a superior providence can save the 
British army in York ; for should they attempt a retreat, we have four thousand men in Gloucester 
— of which 2,300 are French troops — to check their progress. In thirty days from the opening of 
our batteries I am sanguine enough to hope that we shall see the British standard laid at the feet 
of the Commander-in-Chief of the allied armies. Then welcome domestic bliss, and all the joys 
of uninterrupted peace ! It is that hope alone which could surmount the objections I have to a 
life which tears me from all I love, and robs me of that felicity — for the want of which no ter- 
restrial good can atone." ****** 

"Camp bkfore York, Oct. 15th, 1781 
* * * "On Tuesday evening our works were opened on the enemy, and since that time 

have retaliated on them by returning the fire with interest, which they have so long pestered us 
with. Last night we stormed two important redoubts, and the French made a like attack with 
equal success on a third. Our works, which are now creating within two hundred yards of theirs, 
will probably be opened this evening — and then, my Lord, look out for your head. We took a 
major and a few other prisoners. I do not know how many the French took, for it is so early in 
the morning I have had no opportunity of enquiring the particulars of the storm, of which I was 
.an eye-witness at the distance of five hundred yards. It was a most grateful sight, I assure you. 

" The Secretary has come out of York. He is of opinion that they (the British) are very uneasy, 
although he can form no opinion of their resources for holding out a siege. However, I think those 
resources immaterial, as our works are so important that it is morally impossible the garrison 
can hold out. We have now possession of two redoubts which command the river. By means of 
red-hot balls we burnt the Charon — a forty-four gun ship — the Guadalupe — a twenty-eight gun ship 
— and four or five other vessels three or four nights past. The French ships are expected up the 
first fair wind. Every thing since the commencement of the siege has gone on as well as the most 
sanguine expectations would have suggested. We have lost very few men, and our works have 
been carried on with surprising spirit." * * * * * 

Secretary Nelson — mentioned in the above letter — resided at York- 
town. His house was occupied as headquarters by Lord Cornwallis 
during the siege, and the aged Secretary was permitted to retire to the 
American camp. No vestige of it remains. General Nelson (the 
nephew of the Secretary) had also just completed an elegant mansion 
in the town. Seeing that the gunners avoided firing upon it, he 



requested that the guns be turned in that direction ; and a cavity made 
in its walls by the passage of a cannon ball is still exhibited to visitors. 
This historic building, still standing, is occupied by the descendants 
of this illustrious patriot of the Revolution, who at the time was in 
command of the Virginia troops as Governor of the State. 

We have now read the last letter of this highly interesting series. 
What followed the events chronicled in them we all know. On the 
nineteenth day of October next the country will celebrate the one hun- 
dredth anniversary of the surrender of Lord Cornwallis to the American 
Commander, at the mention of whose name every loyal heart throbs 
with pride. The years which have rolled away since seventeen hundred 
and eighty-one have been eventful years. Through them our country 
has advanced in every blessing showered on man by Almighty God, a 
prosperous and a united people, until in our own time, when brother 
met brother as foe meets foe. But in October next the North and the 
South will come together and clasp hands on the spot where, one hun- 
dred years before, their ancestors, with the generous assistance of the 
French, wrenched from England its last hold of dominion over the 
Thirteen States. 




Ent'hJW/fBill Ne" !** 

ST. m£min portraits 

St. George Tucker, Judge of the U. S. District Court 

for Virginia 

St. George Tucker, whose revolutionary career is recorded in 
letters which have laid dormant for an hundred years, lived to a 
ripe old age. The years succeeding the excitement of war were 
not passed by him in idleness ; but through them all he continued 
to rise to positions of trust and dignity in his profession. Although 
he never became a man of national eminence he was held in high 
respect and esteem by the people of his own State, as the important 
offices to which he was appointed are ample proof. This was more 
to be prized in his day, when exaltation was a criterion of merit, than 
national position in our time. He was one of the commissioners to the 
convention which in 1786 met at Annapolis, Maryland, and recom- 
mended the convention by which the present constitution of the United 
States was formed. In 1787, at the early age of thirty-four, he was 
elevated to the office of a judge of the General Court ; and in the fol- 
lowing year Avas elected a visitor to William and Mary College, which 
university soon after conferred upon him the honorary degree of LL. D. 
Twelve years later he was chosen to occupy the chair of law in the same 
institution, which was left vacant by the death of his venerable friend 
and guide in his professional studies, George Wythe, whose name, 
inscribed upon the Declaration of Independence, shall be handed down 
to remotest posterity. In 1804 he succeeded Edmund Pendleton, Presi- 
dent of the Court of Appeals of Virginia, just when that body was con- 
sidering the question of divorce between Church and State. However, 
he resigned his seat on that bench at the expiration of six years, with- 
drawing into private life on account of his age and indifferent health. 
But he was not long allowed to remain in retirement. In January, 181 3, 
President Madison, unsolicited by Judge Tucker, proffered him the com- 
mission of Judge of the District Court for the district of Virginia. 
After much hesitation the position was accepted and retained by Judge 
Tucker until his death. Thus much for his legal career. That he held 
lofty positions in his profession leaves no doubt as to his ability as a 
jurist ; that he was appointed to succeed George Wythe and Edmund 
Pendleton in offices of grave importance proves that his ability was 
recognized and appreciated ; that he was endowed with first one honor 
and then another shows that he did his duty. 

We are next to consider our subject in a political point of view. 


This is soon done. Judge Tucker was an enthusiast on the subject of 
liberty, a condition that he was desirous all should enjoy. To this end 
he published in 1796 " A Dissertation on Slavery: with a Proposal for 
the Gradual Abolition of it in the State of Virginia." In this work he 
unreservedly expressed his dislike of slavery, pointed out clearly why 
it existed in the South and not in the North, and — as its title implies — 
advanced a theory for its gradual abolition in the State of Virginia. 
This rare pamphlet was reprinted in New York, 1 861, " not to favor 
the schemes of political parties, but simply to show what were the 
opinions of a distinguished professor and jurist of the Old Dominion" 
sixty-five years previously. Judge Tucker was thoroughly imbued with 
the republicanism of the revolutionary period, and with violent detes- 
tation of the British government, which was to his mind the pseudonym 
of oppression. He regarded Washington as little less than a deity, and 
generally celebrated the Fourth of July by an elaborate ode, more 
characterized by patriotism than poetic fire. 

In the literary world Judge Tucker is now little known. The great 
mass of his writings is still unpublished and, probably, will never be. 
He left a number of dramas — tragedy and comedy — and a large stock 
of unarranged shorter poems, some of which still exist in manuscript ; 
but they belong to a day that is dead. However, in this heap of matter 
are bits of gold that shine out brilliantly amid the verses written for a 
past generation, and for no other. One of these gems John Adams 
extravagantly admired, and in a letter to Richard Rush, then Controller 
of the Treasury, he thus wrote of it : "I know not which to admire 
most, its simplicity, its beauty, its pathos, its philosophy, its morality, 
its religion, or its sublimity. Is there in Homer, in Virgil, in Milton, 
in Shakespeare, or in Pope an equal number of lines which deserve to 
be engraven on the memory of youth and age in more indelible char- 
acters? If there is, pray extract it for me. I had rather be the author 
of it than of Joel Barlow's Columbiad, or his intended history of the 
United States. Nay, than the Life of Washington, Gordon's, Ramsay's 
and Warren's Histories." The poem referred to contains but three 
short verses, is entitled " Resignation," and — of its kind — is true poetry. 
This, with several others, although comparatively little known, is 
worthy to live beside the songs of greater poets. Besides these lighter 
efforts, Judge Tucker prepared an annotated edition of Blackstone's 
Commentaries published in 1803, and a pamphlet entitled " How far the 
Common Law of England is the Common Law of the United States;" 
also various papers on the politics of the period. The edition of Black- 
stone — never generally known beyond the Potomac — has been gradually 


superseded by editions of later years, noticeable among which is that of 
Henry St. George Tucker, the eldest son of our subject. The political 
pamphlets are of course of small interest now except to the antiquarian 
or the historian. All these works upon which he bestowed time, talent 
and care will live but to the two or three; and the medium by which 
he will be known to the general public is this series of letters, intended 
by their author only for the eyes of his wife. In addition to the works 
mentioned above, Judge Tucker published in 1796 a volume of political 
satires, with the following title; " The Probationary Odes of Jonathan 
Pindar, Esq. A Cousin of Peter's, and Candidate for the Post of Poet 
Laureat to the C. U. S. In two parts." 

Socially Judge Tucker was a bright star in a constellation composed 
of such men as William Wirt, Bishop Madison, Beverley Randolph, 
Gov. Page, Benjamin Harrison, the signer of the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, and many others of equal renown ; men who belonged to a 
society never surpassed in America. Between William Wirt and him- 
self a constant correspondence was sustained, even while the former was 
burdened with affairs of State and no time was his own. Many poeti- 
cal effusions " written during the intervals of business and stolen 
moments,'' upon which " my dear Tucker" was urged to express his 
candid opinion were constantly forwarded by the Attorney-General to 
his friend, and they still exist. However, they would add little fame to 
that already gained by the biographer of Patrick Henry. Judge Tucker 
also wrote many numbers of the " Old Bachelor," but whether they 
were ever published 1 cannot tell. They are certainly not included in 
the volume published by Mr. Wirt. With James Madison, first Bishop 
of Virginia, and President of William and Mary College, Judge Tucker 
was on the most intimate terms. Before the revolution a brisk corres- 
pondence was carried on between them ; and the letters written to his 
friend by the worthy divine — when he was in London awaiting consecra- 
tion, are exceedingly interesting. With Beverley Randolph he went 
through the war of Independence, with Governor Page he had constant 
communication, and a quaint gold watch — the gift of Benjamin Harrison, 
of Berkeley — was long preserved by his descendants. These men are 
simply mentioned to give an idea of a Virginia social circle in " ye 
olden tyme." 

The history of a man's domestic life is generally the most interesting 
and the most sought after. It is always with relief that one turns from 
the giddying whirl of the public arena, where men buzz and wheel along 
with the world and often outstrip it, to the firesides of the contestants 
where they become but men surrounded by their wives and children. 


The domestic life of our subject was truly beautiful. He was devoted 
to his wife and warmly attached to the children of her first marriage, for 
whom he ever evinced the deepest interest. In every letter written by 
him to his wife he expressed concern for their loss of time from their 
books, and for the delicate health of "poor Jack; " and showed a lively 
relish for all their amusements. But this happy circle was soon broken. 
In 1788 Frances Bland Tucker died at the early age of thirty-six, leaving, 
besides her three Randolph boys, five little ones of her second marriage. 
She is buried at Matoax, a large plantation near Petersburg, Va. Four 
years after the death of his first wife, Judge Tucker married Lelia Carter, 
a widow and a daughter of Sir Peyton Skipwith. The children of this 
union died in infancy ; and Judge Tucker himself, after a useful life of 
seventy-six years, fell asleep in Warminster, Virginia, where he lies 
buried, Nov. 10th, 1828. 

Henry St. George, the eldest son of St. George Tucker, was a mem- 
ber of Congress ; President of the Court of Appeals of Virginia ; and 
professor of law of the University of the same State. He was also the 
author of several works on law. The Hon. John Randolph Tucker, his 
son, and at present a member of Congress from Virginia, worthily sus- 
tains the two names that he has inherited. 

Beverley, the youngest son, was United States Judge in the Terri- 
tory of Missouri ; and he afterward succeeded his father as professor of 
law in William and Mary College. He was the author of two works on 
law — The Principles of Pleading and The Science of Government, 
three novels, one of which, The Partisan Leader, created a considerable 
excitement; and he was for many years the main support of the Southern 
Literary Messenger. He also contributed largely to the Southern 
Quarterly Review during the editorship of William Gilmore Simms. 
Just before his death, in 185 1, he began a life of his half-brother, 
John Randolph of Roanoke, for the purpose of refuting many state- 
ments made by Garland in his biography of this distinguished man, 
which had just been published. This work he severely reviewed in the 
Southern Quarterly Review, evincing as withering sarcasm upon his 
pen-point as his illustrious brother had let fall from his tongue ; but 
death put an end to the greater undertaking, and the fragment of the 
" Life " which was completed has been hopelessly lost. Of all men in the 
world Beverley Tucker was the one who should have written the biog- 
raphy of John Randolph. He was closely allied to him by the ties of 
blood and sympathy, the orator's favorite brother, and the last person 
to whom the dying statesman clung. Wasted by disease, Randolph sent 


22 1 

out to Missouri, where Tucker was living, a letter, in which he said : " I 
have only strength to write three words, come to me." The summons 
was obeyed and the three weeks' journey was undertaken. The brothers 
remained at Roanoke awhile, and then traveled together as far as 
Washington, where they separated. Randolph went on to Philadelphia 
for the purpose of embarking for Europe, but death interposed ; and 
Tucker began his weary homeward journey. 

But this brief sketch begins to outrun its bounds. In it I have hur. 
ried along, stating facts in chronological order ; and I cannot do better 
than close with the inscription taken from the monument erected to the 
memory of the man whose life we have thus followed to its end. 

" Hie requiescit | Multo varioque perfunctus officio | St. Geo. Tucker | Bermudae natus | 
ac vitate Virginiensi pro filio adoptatus | Libertate navanda | Miles acer atque animosus | Post 
libertatem receptam | Judex integer et servantissimus seque | Apud Collegium Gul. et Maraei, diu | 
Impiger L. L. Professor | Jurisperitus | Scriptis et commentariis notus | Doctus | Physica, literisque 
versatus | Denique Poeta, Camcenis non ingratus | In republica vigilans, studiosusque | In privita, 
amore proestans et praeclarus, | In omni denique negotio probus ac fidelis: | In omni fortis atque 
constans | Hoc marmor posuerunt | Filii et nepotes et uxor dilecta superstes, | Benevolentiae ac 
beniquitatis memores. | Ejus eximia vita vir utibusque honestati, | Mortem quamvis senorum, 
mcerentes. | Nat. io Jul. 1752. Ob. 10 Nov. 1828. | JEt. saeu 76." 







From the American Museum or Repository of 

Ancient and Modern Fugitive Pieces, etc., 

for June, 1787. Philadelphia, 1787 

September 15, 1781 — General Washing- 
ton arrived at Williamsburg; received the 
Marquis de la Fayette's command and 
Count St. Simon's troops, which had 
arrived the 30th of August, with Count 
de Grasse, and landed at James-town 
the 3d instant. 

September 21 — First division of the 
northern army arrived in James's river. 
The 23d and 24th, almost the whole got 
in, and landed. The 27th, the whole 
army moved, and encamped in a line, 
three quarters of a mile advanced off 
Williamsburg, distant from Yorktown 
eleven miles. 

September 28 — The whole moved at 
daylight : after two halts, arrived within 
a mile and a half of the enemy's works ; 
displayed and lay on our arms all night. 
Beaver-pond creek and morass in our 
front, over which bridges were built that 
night ; and general Muhlenbergh's brig- 
ade of light infantry formed a picquet 
in advance. 

Septe??iber 29 — About sun-rise moved 
to within three quarters of a mile of the 
enemy's out-works, and displayed in two 
lines a ravine in front to view our 
ground ; advanced small parties in front 
to cover our reconnoitering parties. At 
four P. M. moved to our ground on the 
right, and encamped within range of the 
enemy's artillery in two lines : advanced 
a line of picquets in front, and increased 
our camp guards. 

September 30 — The enemy fearing we 
should turn their left, and get between 
their out-works and the town, aban- 
doned the whole of them, and retired to 
town a little before day-light, leaving a 
few light horse to protect their rear. 
Colonel Scammel, being officer of the 
day, advanced to reconnoitre, and report 
accordingly, when he was intercepted, 
wounded, and taken, by a few light 
horse, who had lain concealed. [He 
died of his wounds in six days.] Both 
lines were put in motion, and advanced 
with caution towards their works, sus- 
pecting some feint of the enemy. Lay 
on our arms all that night. The light 
infantry remained on the ground, as a 
covering party to the fatigued men, 
busied in erecting a chain of redoubts 
to guard our camp and cover our work- 
ing parties, who were occupied in pro- 
curing materials for the siege. 

The light infantry relieved by Wayne's 
division this evening. The redoubts 
completed this night, and filled with a 
proper number of troops. 

October 1 to 6 — Employed in prepar- 
ing materials, getting up our artillery, 
&c. At six o'clock moved on the ground, 
and opened our first parallel, about six 
hundred yards from the enemy's works, 
under cover by daylight. No accident. 
Continued working till morning. 

October 7 — The light troops entered 
in line reversed, with drums beating 
and colours flying ; planted their stan- 
dards on the top of the line of parallel ; 
continued working on the batteries, 
which were completed about five o'clock. 

October 9 P. M. — the enemy received 
the first shot from us, which was con- 
tinued with spirit from cannon and mor* 



tars. The enemy's fire slackened. Sev- 
eral of their guns were dismounted; and 
they were obliged to fill up their en- 

October 10 — Light infantry mounted ; 
and the Charon of 44, and two smaller 
vessels, were burned by some hot shot 
from the left of the line, commanded by 
Count St. Simon. This happened about 
eight o'clock in the evening, the weather 
being serene and calm, and afforded an 
awful and melancholy sight. The Cha- 
ron was on fire from the water's edge 
to her truck at the same time. I never 
saw anything so magnificent. 

October 1 1— In the evening the second 
parallel opened by B. Steuben's division. 
This parallel was carried on with amaz- 
ing rapidity, at 360 yards distance from 
the enemy's batteries, under a very 
heavy fire, the enemy's shot and shells 
directed at the workmen ; our shot and 
shell going over our heads in a continual 
blaze the whole night. The fight was 
beautifully tremendous. We lost but 
one man, shot by our own men, the gun 
not being sufficiently elevated, or being 
fired with a bad carriage. 

October 12, 13 and 14 — Continued 
completing the batteries of the second 
parallel, and wounding their abattis and 
frieze-works with our shot and shells. 
About two o'clock P. M. the out-de- 
fences of two redoubts, that were ad- 
vanced on their left 250 yards in their 
front, were thought sufficiently weakened 
to attempt them that evening by storm 
The light infantry were relieved, and 
directed to refresh themselves with din- 
ner and a nap. About dusk they moved 
on, under the marquis, and were in pos- 
session of one in nine minutes. The 

other was carried by the French grena- 
diers and light infantry, under baron 
Viomenil, nearly about the same time, 
when the second parallel was continued 
on, and enveloped these two redoubts, 
and finished a line of communication 
between the rights of the first and sec- 
ond parallel of upwards of a mile before 
daylight next morning. The whole of 
this was performed under a very inces- 
sant and heavy fire from the enemy, 
with amazing steadiness and expedition. 

October 15 — Employed in repairing the 
redoubts, and erecting batteries, now 
within reach of the enemy's grape, rifle 
and wall-pieces. 

October 16 — This night a timid, ill- 
conducted sortie was attempted under 
lieutenant - colonel Abercrombie, with 
about six hundred men. They entered 
the parallel about the centre, nearly be- 
tween the French and American troops, 
at a battery erecting by the Americans, 
not completed. They killed a serjeant 
and two privates of captain Savage's 
company of artillery : spiked six guns 
with the end of their bayonets, which 
they broke off in the vent-holes ; turned 
about, and went off with the greatest 
precipitation. In their retreat they were 
pursued, and lost twelve men — six killed, 
four wounded, two taken ; the light in- 
fantry in the trenches. Lord Cornwallis, 
in his account of the matter, says our 
loss was upwards of one hundred. 

October 17 — Light infantry still in the 
trenches. Between ten and eleven A. 
M. chamade beat, and propositions for 
surrender sent out by his lordship : re- 
ceived by the marquis, and forwarded 
to head- quarters. Cessation of firing 
about twenty minutes, till flag had re- 



turned within their works. On our 
resuming the fire a second chamade 
beat ; and the officer returning was told 
that the answer, as soon as received 
from head-quarters, would be forwarded. 
The firing on both sides re-commenced, 
and went on as usual, only small inter- 
missions, during the passage of two or 
three letters from each side. Light in- 
fantry relieved by the baron Steuben's 
division : and the business being con- 
cluded that evening, the firing ceased 
about five o'clock, P. M. The 18th and 
part of the 19th taken up in adjusting 
matters, viz., articles of capitulation, 
public letters, &c. 

October 19 P. M. — They marched out 
and laid down their arms. The whole 
of the king's troops, including sailors 
and marines, amounted to 8054, officers 

Thus ended this business, in nine 
days from our breaking ground. 

The whole of our strength, including 
every person that drew provisions by the 
commissary-general's return, amounted 
to 12,200. Our loss was 324 killed, 
wounded, and died in the hospital : sick 
in the hospital about 600 ; unfit for 
duty 830. So that when the necessary 
detail of the whole army was completed, 
his lordship was never opposed by more 
than equal number. Very frequently, 
from our great fatigue, parties at a con- 
siderable distance from the camp, and 
trenches two miles, had he come out to 
us, we could have opposed him with but 
very few more than two thirds of his 
number. This, I believe, will be allowed 
by any officer of discernment, who was 
acquainted with the details of the vic- 
torious combined army. 



[by rochambeau] 

From the Supplement to the French Gazette of 
November 20, 1781 

Versailles, November 19. — The 
duke de Lauzun, colonel of the legion 
of his name, and the sieur Duplessis 
Paseau, captain of a ship arrived here 
this day, charged with dispatches to the 
king, with an account of a naval engage- 
ment on the 5th of September, and to 
inform his majesty that the army of Lord 
Cornwallis, consisting of 6,000 men, 
which had retired and entrenched them- 
selves in Yorktown, on the river of that 
name, in Virginia, capitulated on the 
19th of October last, and surrendered 
prisoners of war. 

Substance of a journal of the opera- 
tions of a French corps, under the com- 
mand of Count de Rochambeau, Lieu- 
tenant General of the king's armies, 
since the 25th of August last. 

On the 14th of September, General 
Washington, myself * and the Chevalier 
de Chattelux, arrived at Williamsburg, 
where we found the Marquis de la 
Fayette, in conjunction with the Count 
de St. Simon, who had taken an excel- 
lent position, waiting for us. 

Lord Cornwallis was employed in en- 
trenching himself at York and Glouces- 
ter, barring the river of York with some 
of his ships, and others sunk in the 
channel. It is computed that his corps 
of troops, regulars and sailors from the 
disarmed ships amounted to about 5,000 
or 6,000 men. 

After all the most inquieting news we 



had received in the route, of the appear- 
ance of the enemy's fleet, the departure 
of that of Count de Grasse, of an en- 
gagement on the 5th of September, the 
appearance of two English frigates in 
the bay, we at length received, in the 
night of the 14th, by a letter from the 
Count de Grasse, a circumstantial ac- 
count of the following facts : 

Admiral Hood had joined on the 28th 
of August Admiral Graves's squadron 
before New York. They both sailed the 
31st to Chesapeake Bay, at the instant 
our movement by land towards Philadel- 
phia had been discovered. 

The English squadron, consisting of 
20 ships, arrived the 5th at Cape Charles, 
intending to get the start of Count de 
Grasse. The latter then having 1,500 
men in his chaloups, which had debarked 
the troops of Count de St. Simon, and 
were not yet returned, without hesitation, 
cut his cables, and went to engage the 
enemy with 24 ships, leaving the rest to 
blockade Lord Cornwallis in the rivers 
York and James. Admiral Graves bore 
to the windward, and the van guard of 
Count de Grasse, under the orders of 
Sieur de Bougainville, came up with the 
rear of the English, which was roughly 

The Count de Grasse having pursued 
some time, returned the nth into the 
bay, where he found the squadron of 
Count de Barras, which sailed the 25th 
of August from Newport, with ten trans- 
ports, having on board our siege artillery, 
and entered the bay on the 10th of Sep- 
tember in good condition. 

The two English frigates being be- 
tween the two squadrons, were taken. 

Immediately the ten transports of the 

Count de Barras, the frigates, and the 
prizes of Count de Grasse, were dis- 
patched to carry our troops to Annapolis, 
under the orders of the Sieur de Ville- 
brunne, commander of the Romulus, 
who, with the Baron de Viomenil, used 
such expedition, that they arrived on the 
25 th in Williamsburg Creek, where they 
disembarked the army on the 26th and 
27 th. 

On the 20th, the allied army marched 
from. Williamsburg at break of day for 
Yorktown, and the French corps of 
7,000 men began the investment from 
the head of York river to the morass 
near Colonel Nelson's house, taking ad- 
vantage of the woods, creeks, &c, in 
such a manner as to block up the enemy 
within pistol shot of their works. The 
three French brigades marked out the 
ground, and encamped securely from the 
enemy's cannon. The Baron de Vio- 
menil commanded the grenadiers and 
chasseurs of the army as the van-guard. 

On the 29th the American army passed 
the morass, and the investment of York- 
town became complete, and was quite 
blocked up. 

The infantry of Lauzun being de- 
barked on the 23d, marched under the 
Duke de Lauzun to join their cavalry, 
which had marched by land into Glou- 
cester County, under Brigadier General 
Wieden, who commanded there a body 
of 1,200 American militia. The whole 
legion was joined there on the 28th, the 
day of the investment of Yorktown. 

On the night between the 29th and 
30th, the enemy fearing to be insulated 
in the confined position which they had 
fortified, abandoned all their out works. 

We employed the 30th in lodging our- 



selves in the abandoned works, which 
enabled us to block up the enemy in a 
circle of very little extent, and gave us 
great advantages. 

The same day the transports, with the 
artillery for the siege, came down to 
Trubello landing, seven miles from 
hence, when we set about disembark- 
ing it. 

On the 3d of October, the Sieur de 
Choisy marched to block up Gloucester, 
and take a position at three miles, dis- 
tance from that place. 

The corps of the Sieur de Choisy was 
composed of the Legion of Lauzun, of 
his infantry, drafted from the ships, and 
of 1,200 American militia under Briga- 
dier General Wieden. 

Tarleton was with six hundred men in 
this post, four hundred of which were 
horse, and two hundred infantry. The 
Duke de Lauzun attacked him so vigor- 
ously, that, notwithstanding the fire of 
his artillery, he threw them into disorder, 
wounded Tarleton, and forced the de- 
tachment to return to Gloucester, with 
the loss of fifty men. The Sieur Billy 
Dillon, and Dutre, second captain, were 
wounded ; three hussars were killed, and 
eleven wounded 

The entrenchments were opened in 
two attacks, above and below York river, 
in the night, between the 6th and 7th of 
October, and different engagements took 
place till the 17th, when the enemy be- 
gan to come to a parley. 

The capitulation was signed on the 
19th, in the morning, by which Lord 
Cornwallis and his whole army were 
made prisoners of war. The American 
and French troops took possession of the 
redoubts at noon. 

The garrison of Yorktown filed off at 
two o'clock, by beat of drum, with their 
arms, which were then piled up, with 20 
pair of colors. The same took place at 

The companies of grenadiers of Bour- 
bonnois and the Americans are in the 
redoubts, and the enemy's troops will 
evacuate it to-morrow, and be conducted 
to the interior parts of the country. 

The Viscount de Noailles and Colonel 
Laurens have drawn up the articles of 
capitulation, in conjunction with two 
superior officers of Lord Cornwallis's 

It is supposed there are about 6,000 
or 7,000 prisoners, and about 170 pieces 
of cannon taken. — \From the Pennsyl- 
vania Packet, Feb . 21, 1782.] 

*The word "myself" shows the writer of the 
journal to have been Rochambeau. He rode 
from Mt. Vernon, with Washington and de Chas- 
tellux, to Lafayette's camp. Editor 



Morgan and Poor were quartered at 
Neilson's. This house, now occupied by 
George Neilson, stands upon the summit 
of the hill, on the east side of the road 
leading from the heights to Quaker 
Springs, and a little north of the road 
running westward to Saratoga. It is a 
long, low, unpainted farm-house, and 
consists of two portions, of which the 
part furthest from the road is the orig- 
inal house. The larger part is more 
modern. It was to this house that Major 
Ackland was brought when wounded. 

Gates' headquarters, the E. Wood- 
worth house, has been gone for many 



years. Its site may be seen in a field to 
the south of the bend in the road a few 
rods below the Neilson house. Its deep 
well, covered over with a few boards, is 
still there beneath a tree in the lot. Near 
the house stood a barn, which was used 
as a hospital. From the road near Neil- 
son's house, looking southward, the eye 
takes in the site of Gates' headquarters, 
and looking northward, the entire battle 
ground of the 19th of September. 

The house of Dirck Swart, where 
Schuyler was quartered at Stillwater, is 
still standing in the upper part of the 
village, a few yards east of the turnpike. 
It has, however, been changed from its 
original condition. 

Charles A. Campbell 

Sarah or mehetabel — Who of us 
would hesitate in these days between 
these two names for a child ? But no less 
a worthy than Edmund Sewall, Chief- 
Justice of Massachusetts, had grave 
doubts as to which he should give to his 
daughter, born in 1694. " I named my 
little daughter Sarah. Mr. Willard bap- 
tised her. Mr. Torrey said " call her Sa- 
rah, and make a Madam of her" [Sarah 
in Hebrew means Princess]. I was 
struggling whether to call her Sarah or 
Mehetabel ; but when I saw Sarah's 
standing in the Scriptures, viz.: Peter, 
Galatians, Hebrews, Romans, I resolved 
on that side." New England 

The oneida stone — I have in my 
possession a cutting of a newspaper, as 
follows : 

u Aboriginal Palladium — At the month- 
ly meeting of the National Institute, on 
the 1 8th of June, a brief memoir was 

read by Mr. Schoolcraft on the Oneida 
Stone, a curious and unique monument 
of the nationality of the Oneida Tribe 
in western New York. The stone, of 
which Mr. S. preserved a specimen, has 
imparted a name to the tribe, who call 
themselves the People of the Stone. Mr. 
S. describes it as a boulder of sienite, of 
the drift stratum, and traces its origin 
to the primary beds in the north-eastern 
mountain ranges of that State. But 
interest arises from the ancient and inti- 
mate connection which this extraneous 
mass of rock has with the tribal origin 
and liberties of this celebrated member 
of the Iroquois Confederacy. 

Its palladic value furnishes, indeed, a 
curious coincidence of thought, with a 
well known fact in Grecian History." 

Utica C. W. Hutchinson 

Lacrosse — This game is first men- 
tioned in 1608, "Le Jeu de Crosse, in 
the Relation of 1636 [Relations des 
Jesuites], by Father Le Jeune. Charle- 
voix refers to it many years later. A 
public game at Lacrosse was played in 
September, 1834, on a race course situ- 
ated on the Lower Lachine Road, before 
a large concourse of citizens of Mon- 
treal. The players were all Caughna- 
waga Indians. The first game, between 
white players only, occurred in 1839 at 
Montreal, in which the parties were the 
Montreal Club and the Hochelaga Club. 
Mr. Alexander Henry, author of a Nar- 
rative of travels among the Western 
Indians, and who was an eye witness of 
the fearful massacre at Fort Michili- 
makinak in 1763, by Indians connected 
with the conspiracy devised by the cele- 
brated Pontiac, calls it " Baggahway," 



explaining that by the Canadians it is 
named u Le jeu de la Crosse" — One 
Hundred Prize Questions in Canadian 
History. Montreal, 1880. Editor 


Schoolcraft's lecture on the 
oneida stone — The Oneida stone was 
deposited in our Forest Hill Cemetery 
in this city in the year 1850 with ap- 
propriate ceremonies, some 150 of the 
Oneidas and Onandaga Indians being 
present. Any matters pertaining to its 
history and traditions is of both local 
and historical importance to our citi- 

I have for some time endeavored to 
obtain either the manuscript of Mr. 
Schoolcraft or the published matter of 
the lecture. Perhaps some of your read- 
ers may be able to throw some light upon 
the proceedings of the Nat. Institute at 
Washington about the year 1850, when 
the address was delivered, or to tell 
where full reports of their meetings 
could be found. 

Both the Oneida Historical Society 
and myself would be under obligations 
for any information upon the subject. 

Utica C. W. Hutchinson 

James weemes — I am desirous of as- 
certaining the ancestry, etc., of " James 
Weemes, of the City of New York, 
Esquire, Captain of one of his Majesties 
Independent Companyes of New York," 
whose will is recorded in our Surrogate's 
office, page 385, Liber 9, dated nth 
April, 1719, proved 10th May, 1723, 
and witnessed by Rip Van Dam, Teunis 
Van Woerdt and May. Bickley. He 

therein mentions his wife, whom he 
appoints executrix, and his only 
daughter and heir at law, Isabella, wife 
of John Outman. 

It appears therefrom he was a resident 
of this city and owned property here, 
although no conveyance to him is found 
in our Register's office, and that at the 
date of the will he was in perfect 

The only conveyances in our Regis- 
ter's office are the purchase, 3d August, 
1725, by Elizabeth Weemes, widow of 
Colonel Weemes, of a house and lot 
corner of the Broadway, east side, and 
the New street, recorded 17th February, 
1743, Liber 32, page 415; and the sale 
thereof by her 24th February, 1729, 
recorded 20th February, 1743, Liber 32, 
page 417. 

Had he brothers and sisters ; in what 
company was he captain or colonel; who 
was his wife and where did he come 
from ? Alexander Campbell 

New York 

Galatin — I find this name thus 
spelled as one of the French officers who 
served at Yorktown, and were recom- 
mended to the king for promotion by 
Rochambeau. He was second lieuten- 
ant of the regiment of Gatinois, one of 
those which came up from the West In- 
dies under the Marquis de Saint Simon 
in the fleet of De Grasse. He was en- 
gaged in the storming of the redoubt. 
Was he of kin to the Albert Gallatin 
family of Swiss origin ? Iulus 

General amherst — his knight- 
hood — Governor Monckton, as royal 
proxy, invested General Amherst with 



an order of knighthood on Staten Island. 
Some have said that it was the Order of 
the Garter. But was it? J. B. B. 

Minetta water — What was the 
original Indian name of " Minetta 
Water," one of the old water courses of 
the Ninth Ward of New York City ? 

J. B. B. 

Springettsbury manor, penn. — 
Where was " Springettsbury Manor " in 
Southern Pennsylvania? J. B. B. 

Portrait of general monckton — 
In the Governor's room of the City Hall, 
New York, there is a small painting of 
General Monckton, royal Governor of 
New York about 1761. Who was the 
artist and what is the history of the 
picture ? J. B. B. 

Coverly and hodge's history of 
the revolution — In the New York 
Packet and the American Advertiser, 
printed at Fishkill, N. Y., October 25, 
1 78 1, are proposals for printing by sub- 
scription " an impartial History of the 
War in America between Great Britain 
and the United States," to be published 
in monthly numbers, with portraits. 
The prospectus, nearly a column in 
length, is dated Boston, August 20, 
1781, and is subscribed by Nath. Cov- 
erly and Robert Hodge. Was such his- 
tory ever published ? M. M. J. 

Utica, N. Y. 

Rare Columbia college tract — 
I desire to obtain the name of the author 
of the following rare tract, relating to 
the early history of the present Columbia 
College : " Some Thoughts on Educa- 

tion ; with Reasons for erecting a Col- 
lege in this Province, and fixing the 
same at the City of New York. To 
which is added a Scheme for employing 
Masters and Teachers in the mean 
Time ; and also for raising and endow- 
ing an Edifice in an easy Manner. The 
whole concluding with a Poem, being a 
serious Address to the House of Repre- 

It was printed by James Parker, at 
New York, in 1752, and sold for one 
shilling. Collector 

Does lightning strike the beech? 
— Doctor F. E. Beeton, in a letter dated 
Murfreesborough, July 19, 1824, states, 
" that in Tennessee it is considered al- 
most an impossibility to be struck by 
lightning, if protection be sought under 
the branches of a beech tree. At any 
time when the heavens wear a nebulous 
garment, and the thunders roll above the 
Indians, they betake themselves to the 
nearest beech tree they can find, let 
their pursuit at the time of the storm be 
what it may. The sagacity of observa- 
tion possessed by these children of na- 
ture has long since taught them, that 
under the beech they may rest, fearless 
of threatening danger and grumbling 
thunder. Other trees may be surrounded 
by these and shivered to splinters, while 
the beech remains entire and unhurt." 

Will some of your readers kindly con- 
firm the above statement in regard to the 
Indians ? Minto 

Statue to william pitt — [VI. 22a, 
VII. 67] After the repeal of the Stamp 
Act in 1766, the Legislature of South 



Carolina voted a statue of Pitt in com- 
memoration of his services in effecting 
that repeal. It was erected at the inter- 
section of Broad and Meeting streets, 
Charleston. Like the one erected in New- 
York at about the same time, it was pedes- 
trian. During the siege of Charleston in 
1780 a small cannon ball from a British 
gun, upon what was called the " Water- 
Melon " battery, on James Island, passed 
up Meeting street and broke off the left 
arm of the statue. Being mutilated, the 
statue was regarded as an obstruction in 
the two thoroughfares, and the City- 
Council ordered it to be removed, with- 
out making any provision for its preser- 
vation or its erection elsewhere. The 
workmen employed to remove it took 
no care to preserve it. When it was 
dragged from its pedestal and fell to the 
ground, its head was broken off, but the 
head itself was not marred. That ope- 
ration occurred about 1793, during the 
" Reign of Terror " in France, and the 
crowd who saw it fall cried out : " Old 
Pitt is guillotined ! " The fragments 
were stowed away by some one more 
thoughtful than the rest, and so it re- 
mained for many years. Finally the 
Commissioners of the Orphan Home at 
Charleston had these remains collected 
and the statue restored, excepting the 
shattered arm, as nearly as possible, and 
placed it upon a handsome pedestal of 
brown freestone. Judge Grimke, of 
Charleston, had preserved the marble 
tablet bearing the inscription, and this 
was inserted in the new pedestal, with a 
border of dark slate around it. I saw 
and made a sketch of the statue in front 
of the Orphan Home in April, 1866, and 

copied the inscription, which is as fol- 
lows : 


of his Services to his Country in general 

and to America in Particular, 

The Commons House of Assembly 

of South Carolina 

unanimously voted 

this Statue 

of the Right Honorable WILLIAM PITT Esq.. 

who gloriously exerted Himself 

in defending the freedom of America 

the true Sons of England, 

by promoting a repeal 

of the Stamp Act 

in the year i766. 

Time shall sooner destroy 

this mark of their esteem 



As the statue was not injured by the 
ravages of the Civil War, I presume it 
is still in the place where I saw it in 
1866, just one hundred years after the 
repeal of the Stamp Act. 

Benson J. Lossing 

The Ridge 


The diary kept by Rufus Putnam in 
1772-3, when he went as one of a com- 
mission to explore lands in the lower 
Mississippi valley, is in the library of 
Marietta College. It begins Dec. 10, 
1772, and ends August 13, 1773. 

I. W. Andrews 
Marietta College 

The nelson house — (VII. 56) The 
set of china used in the entertainment of 
Lafayette on his visit to Yorktown in 
1824, is now in the possession of Mrs. 
Lucy N. Howard, nee Nelson, a grand- 
daughter of General Thomas Nelson, 
Jr., of Yorktown, Virginia. 

Richmond R. A. B. 




The condition of the President, notwithstand- 
ing the dangerous stages traversed, has steadily 
improved, until, as these lines go to press, he is 
pronounced to be out of danger. The country 
awaits with impatience his complete restoration, 
that they may express their delight and gratitude 
for his remarkable escape. 

The subscriptions to the fund for the family of 
the President, which originated with the Chamber 
of Commerce of New York, have reached the 
sum of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars, 
and are still progressing. Unsolicited contribu- 
tions have been received in sums of all denomi- 
nations and from all parts of the country. 

The Historical Society of Galveston, Texas, 
held a meeting on the 31st May last, Hon. 
J. S. Sullivan in the chair. Numerous dona- 
tions to the library and archaeological cabi- 
net were reported, among the latter a curious 
pre-historic specimen, evidently a pagan idol 
found at an early day in Texas history in one of 
the canons of Western Texas. The Society's 
collection of archaeological relics and geological 
specimens and prints having become extensive, 
steps were taken for their better arrangement, 
preservation, and display, and the Secretary was 
directed to order the annual assessment, the 
first since April, 1876. The meeting was on the 
tenth anniversary of the Society. 

Joseph Sabin, the well known New York 
Bibliophile, died at his home in Brooklyn on 
the 5th of June. He was born in Yorkshire, 
England, in December, 1821. After receiving 
a common school education he was in 1835 
apprenticed to learn the book binding busi- 
ness with Charles Richards, a bookseller, in 
whose store he met many of the notabilities of 
the kingdom. When the term of his indenture 
expired, in 1842, he setup for himself as a book- 
seller and auctioneer, and occupied his leisure 
hours in the preparation of catalogues. In 1844 
he published the Thirty-nine Articles of the 
Church of England, with Scriptural proofs and 
references. In 1848 he came to America with 
his family, and entered the house of George P. 

Appleton as a general assistant and salesman. 
In 1850 he secured an engagement with Cooley 
& Keese, book auctioneers, of which profession 
the last named was easily the Prince. In 1863 
Sabin established a second-hand book store of 
the pattern Charles Lamb loved to frequent, 
continuing his business of preparing catalogues 
of libraries for sale. 

His last appearance as an auctioneer was at the 
Brinley sale in New York in the spring of 1881. 
The most serious work of his life was a Diction- 
ary of books relating to America from its dis- 
covery to the present time, which was begun in 
1856. The first volume appeared in 1867. 
Twelve volumes were completed, bringing the 
catalogue down to the letter N, and embracing 
52,224 titles, when death overtook him. 

Universally known by all who love the 
French language, and universally regretted, Maxi- 
milian Paul Emil Littre, the celebrated French 
Philologist, died at Paris on the 2d June, 1881. 
He was distinguished in politics, in medical 
literature, and for his writings in the positive 
school of philosophy. But the indestructible 
monument to his fame is his Dictionary of the 
French language undertaken in 1844 and finished 
in 1872 in four huge quarto volumes, to which a 
supplement was published in 1877. No other 
similar work can bear comparison with it save 
the German dictionary by the Brothers Grimm, 
which is far inferior to it in completeness and ar- 
rangement. Mr. Littre ranked among the first 
scholars of Europe. 

Minthorne Tompkins, a distinguished citizen 
of New York, died on the 5th June, 1881, at his 
residence in that city. He was a son of Daniel 
D. Tompkins, of Scarsdale, Westchester County, 
who was Governor of the State from 1807 to 181 7, 
and afterwards Vice-President of the United 
States, a Democrat of the Jeffersonian school. 
Minthorne Tompkins was also born in Westches- 
ter County, was member of the N. Y. Assembly 
in 1833 and 1834, and afterwards State Senator. 
In 1852 he was a candidate for Governor against 
Horatio Seymour and Washington Hunt. Later 
Tompkins was prominent in the anti-slavery 
party. He for a long time resided at Stapleton, 



Staten Island, and it was at his home that Lafay- 
ette passed the night of his arrival on his last 
visit to the United States in 1824. 

Henry Stanbery, ex-Attorney-General of the 
United States in the administration of President 
Johnson, died at New York City on the 25th 
June, 1 88 1. He was born in New York in 
1803. His family moved to Zanesville, Ohio, 
in 1 8 14. He entered Washington College, 
Penn., soon after, and was graduated in 18 19. 
He was admitted to the Ohio Bar in 1824, and 
began his practice at Lancaster. Later his chief 
law business was conducted at Cincinnati, when 
he was made President of the Bar Association, 
by which he was held in high esteem. He was 
an intimate friend of Ewing, Stanton and Thur- 
man. His residence of late years has been near 
Covington, Kentucky. 

An American celebrity of world-wide fame 
died in New York on the 25th May, 1881. This 
was no less a man than Commodore George 
Washington Nutt. He was thirty-seven years of 
age, and three feet seven inches in height. He 
was born in Manchester, N. H., and made his 
first appearance in public at Barnum's Museum 
in i860. He died of Bright's disease, leaving 
a wife whom he married three years since. 

Alfred Billings Street, the poet, and for 
many years the Librarian of the State of New 
York, died at his home in Albany on the 2d 
June. He was born in Poughkeepsie in 1801. 
His earliest poetic effusion was published in the 
New York Evening Post, when he was in his 
eleventh year. His first volume, the Burning of 
Schenectady, and other poems, was published in 
1842. He was thoroughly original and American 
in his matter and manner, excelling in descrip- 
tion of nature. His prose works include " The 
Council of Revision of the State of New York, 
with biographical sketches of its members and of 
the early courts of the State ; Woods and 
Waters ; The Indian Pass ; A Digest of Taxa- 
tion in the United States, and Forest Pictures in 
the Adirondacks." 

The Baltimore Sun reports the death, in that 

city, of Mrs. Sibby Johnson, a colored woman, 
aged 102 years, at the Lee Street Home for aged 
colored men and women. She was employed 
for thirty-five years at the Maltby House. She 
had six fingers on each hand and six toes on 
each foot. 

We have received from Mrs. Ellen Hardin. 
Walworth, a list of the historic points on the 
Saratoga battlefield proposed to be marked by 
the erection of tablets. The committee will 
visit the battle-ground at an early day to locate 
the various points, many of which have already 
been selected by distinguished Americans, and 
designated by them as places on which they will 
erect tablets at their personal expense. 

1, British Line of Battle, October 7th, when first at- 
tacked by Morgan, Poor, and Learned ; 2, Freeman's 
Cottage and the Soldier's Well, where the most bloody 
encounter took place in both battles ; 3, Spot where 
Fraser fell ; 4, Bridge in Fraser's camp which indicated 
the march of the British centre, September 19th ; 5, Bur- 
goyne's headquarters ; 6, Balcarras redoubt ; 7, Line of 
American redoubts; 8, Morgan's and Poor's headquarters; 
9, Gates' headquarters and hospital ; 10, Site of Bemus' 
Tavern ; 11, American redoubts near the river ; 12, Posi- 
tion of American Artillery on October 8th ; 13, Faylor's 
House from which Madam Reidesel watched Fraser's 
funeral ; 14, Spot where Fraser is buried ; 15, Sword's 
House ; 16, Point where Lady Ackland embarked ; 17, 
Breyman's camp — flank defense and key to the British 
position, captured at sunset October 7th. Here Arnold 
was wounded. 

The quiet old town of Sterling, in Worcester 
County, Massachusetts, celebrated its first cen- 
tennial anniversary with great glee on the 15th 
day of June, 188 1. Sterling was originally a 
part of Lancaster, and for some time after its 
settlement was called Chocksett and Choxett. 
It is about twelve miles from Worcester, the 
county seat. Within its borders are two large 
lakes, East and West Waushacum, upon which 
the first naval contest in the inland waters of 
Massachusetts occurred, in 1676, between a 
band of settlers under Captain Henchman and 
the Indians. In 1743 the present town was 
known as the second parish of Lancaster. In 
1744 a church was gathered there. April 25th, 
1 78 1, the General Court ordered its incorpora- 
tion as a separate town. It took the name of 
Sterling in honor of Major-General Lord Stir- 



ling, of the Continental Army. Dr. William 
F. Holcombe, of New York, was the orator of 
the day, and made an exceedingly happy ad- 
dress. Samuel Osgood, Esq., was the Master 
of Ceremonies. In the afternoon there was a 
grand dinner in a mammoth Yale tent. Toasts 
were replied to by Colonel T. W. Higginson, the 
Rev. A. P. Marvin, the Hon. C. G. Stevens, 
the Rev. G. M. Morse, the Hon. C. H. 
Merriam, William H. Earle, of Worcester, the 
Rev. E. A. Horton, the Rev. D. Fosdick, the 
Rev. H. P. Cutting, and Dr. Fred Sawyer. 
Poems were read by Mrs. Catherine Riley and 
Miss Harriet Boss, both of Sterling. 

On the 1st June the town of Natick, Massa- 
chusetts, celebrated the centenary of her incor- 
poration. The day was glorious and the atten- 
dance large. The whole city was decorated. 
The ceremonies began with a grand military and 
civic procession. The Governor of the State, 
assisted by the Rev. J. B. Fairbanks, the Presi- 
dent of the day, Assistant Adjutant-General 
Kingsbury, and the Hon. Henry B. Pierce re- 
viewed the troops from beneath the shade of a 
thick-leafed maple, after which Governor Long 
addressed the school children, to whom the ex- 
ercises of the day were especially dedicated. 
The life of Senator Wilson, the most distin- 
guished of Natick's sons, was held up as a 
worthy example for imitation by the rising 

Wednesday, June 24, the semi-centennial of 
the Alumni Association of Westbrook Seminary 
(Maine) was held in that town. An historical 
address was delivered by Hon. Israel Wash- 
burne, Jr. He gave an account of the influences 
which led to the establishment of a seminary to 
propagate the doctrine of the Unitarian move- 
ment which began in Massachusetts with Chan- 
ning, Buckminister, and the Wares, but until 
1831 had few adherents in Maine. It however 
soon drew to itself many of the ablest and fore- 
most citizens of the new State. To-day the 
majority of the members of the Legislature be- 
long to this "broad church," whose power is 
greatly due to the teachings of the Westbrook 

The centennial anniversary of the first offer- 
ing of mass in Connecticut was celebrated 
Sunday, June 26, 1881, with a series of services 
at the Roman Catholic Church of St. Peter, in 
Hartford, which stands near the spot where the 
rite was administered by the Chaplain of the 
Count de Rochambeau on the occasion of a halt 
of the French army at Hartford on its way to 
join Washington's camp at Phillipsburg, on the 
Hudson. The Chaplain on this occasion was 
the Abbe Robin, who was attached to one 
of the French regiments, and left at his death 
an interesting account of his experiences in 

The commemoration consisted in four early 
masses, followed by a pontifical high mass, said 
by Bishop McMahon, and a sermon by the Rev. 
Father O'Gorman, of the Paulist Fathers of 
New York. In the evening Bishop Conroy, of 
Albany, officiated at Vespers, and an historical 
address was delivered by Father Felton, of East 
Boston, who was the first priest settled at Hart- 
ford. He stated that at the time of his first 
coming to Hartford there were forty-five hun- 
dred Catholics in Connecticut, and that in 
thirty-seven years- their number increased to 
one hundred and seventy-five thousand. The 
Mayor of Hartford attended High Mass in the 

The Massachusetts Medical Society 
held its centennial meeting at Boston to 
general satisfaction. Dr. Samuel A. Green 
has compiled some of the antiquities of the So- 
ciety, giving attention to the medical works of 
the colonial period. Dr. J. Collins Warren ad- 
dressed the Society upon the organization and 
aims of medical societies of the several States, 
and upon international medical societies as well as 
that of his own State, and showed their necessity 
for the establishment of a standard for practicing 
physicians, and for the general protection of the 
community by positive and negative action. 

The long litigation over the Jumel estate has 
been brought to a close by a decree of 
Court ordering its partition and sale, the proceeds 
to be deposited in the United States Trust Com- 
pany, to await the order of Court for distribution. 



It consists of buildings in New York City, four- 
teen hundred lots near Kingsbridge, upon which 
stands the Roger Morris House, Washington's 
headquarters on Harlem Heights in 1776, and a 
tract of land in Saratoga county. Stephen Ju- 
mel owned the estate and left it to his widow, 
who was married to Aaron Burr. She died in 
1865, and the property has been since in liti- 

The Anneke Jans case, which has agitated 
a great many minds for a great many years, has 
been finally disposed of by the denial of the ap- 
plication of Rynear Van Geisen for letters of 
administration on the estate of Anneke Jans 
Bo^ardus, who died in Albany some two centu- 
ries ago, and the affirmation of the decree of the 
surrogate by the Court of Appeals, with costs to 
the applicant. This famous estate once included 
several hnndred lots in New York City, since 
built upon, and of enormous aggregate value. 

The Saint Nicholas Society of New York 
held a meeting on the evening of the 2d 
June at Delmonico's ; over fifty members were 
present. Amendments to the constitution to 
increase the membership from five to six hun- 
dred, to increase the initiation fees and annnal 
dues, and the cost of life-membership, was de- 
feated. A supper closed the discussion. 

The Duke of Sutherland on his recent 
trip to the Far West presented to Land Com- 
missioner J. H. Drake, of the Sioux City Road, 
in acknowledgment for his hospitality, a gold 
blue-enameled scarf pin, representing the garter 
with the well-known motto, " Honi soit qui mal 
y pense." In the circle is the letter S, and sur- 
mounting it the ducal crown. The St. Paul, 
Minnesota, Dispatch describes this pin as 
"unique and beautiful," but adds "there are 
only thirty- five of the kind in England" — each 
unique we suppose. 

COMMANDANT Broth* rton sends word from 
Fort Buford, Dakotah, under date of May 20th, 
1SS1, that on that day the steamers Far West 
and Sherman left the port with 1 149 Indians, 
late prisoners of war, for Standing Rock. The 

Indians accepted the situation cheerfully, Crow 
King being the first to pull down his lodge and 
lead the movement. Running Antelope, who 
exercises a wonderful power over his people, was 
largely instrumental in overcoming their an- 
tipathy to Standing Rock. A daughter of Sit- 
ting Bull has come in. Sixty lodges are reported 
as still at Woody Mountain, and thirty at Lake 
Qu'appelle with Sitting Bull. 

The Ancient and Honorable Artillery Com- 
pany celebrated its two hundred and fifty-third 
anniversary on Election Day with great spirit, 
the usual shower not being present on the occa- 
sion. They were received at the State House 
by Governor Long, and then proceeded to the 
Hollis Street church, where the sermon was 
delivered by the Rev. Robert Collyer. At its 
close they marched back to their armory in 
Faneuil Hall, where they dined. 

The first meeting of the directors of the 
Bunker Hill. Monument Association for 188 1-2 
was held at the house of the President, the Hon. 
Robert C. Winthrop, Brookline, Mass., on Satur- 
day, the 25th June. The standing committee 
for the ensuing year was appointed. On motion 
of the Hon. G. Washington Warren the follow- 
ing resolution was adopted : 

That the directors on behaif of the Bunker Hill Monu- 
ment Association which has accepted from a number of 
patriotic subscribers the statue of Colonel William Pres- 
cott, desire to express to Mr. Story, the renowned sculptor, 
their high appreciation of it as a work of art, felicitous 
in its design and execution, and appropriate to Bunker 
Hill and its brave commander; and they do cordially con- 
gratulate him upon the eminent success he has achieved, 
and thank him for the special pains he took in prosecuting 
a work from the interest he had in its subject as an 
American and the son of a former officer and early friend 
of the association. 

Acknowledgment was placed on record of the 
services of civil and military associations, corpor- 
ations and individuals, at the inauguration of the 
statue on Bunker Hill. A letter was read from 
the Hon. Edward F. Noyes, late American 
Minister at Paris, enclosing an interesting letter 
to Mr. Winthrop from Edmond de Lafayette, the 
last of the name. 

The Trustees of the Saratoga Monument As- 
sociation held a special meeting on the 28th 


2 35 

June at the Delavan House, Albany, Hon. 
James M. Marvin in the chair. Mrs. Ellen 
Hardin Walworth, chairman of the committee 
on historical tablets, reported that the ground 
would be visited and the sites located the first 
week in July. Additional subscriptions were re- 
ported from Senator Wagner and Hon. Giles M. 
Slocum, now of Michigan, but formerly of old 
Saratoga. George S. Schuyler and Parker Handy, 
of New York, were elected trustees. P. C. 
Ford, O. S. Potter, and D. F. Ritchie, were ap- 
pointed a committee to purchase the land on 
which the foundation of the monument will be 
laid. A resolution was adopted requesting 
Senator Wagner and Assemblymen Husted and 
Potter to urge on the Legislature to authorize the 
Governor to extend the courtesies of the State to 
the representatives of the French Government, 
the family of Lafayette, and the descendants of 
the French officers who served at Yorktown who 
may visit the United States to attend the centen- 
nial of the surrender of Cornwallis. The meet- 
ing then adjourned to the second Tuesday in 
August at the United States Hotel, Saratoga 

the shaft. Sufficient funds are expected from 
the liberal citizens of the State, and it is further 
proposed to place in Memorial Hall a bronze or 
marble tablet inscribed with the names of the 
donors who meet the expense of these figures. 

The survivors of Perry's Brigade of Florida 
Confederate troops propose to erect a monument 
to their dead comrades at Tallahassee, and the 
committee in charge will report at the next 
meeting of the survivors, to be held at Tallahas- 
see on the 14th July, 18S1. Considerable means 
have already been procured. 

A statue of Abraham Lincoln is to be erect- 
ed in Lincoln Park, the most Central Square in 
the city of Chicago, and also a bronze foun- 
tain in the same park. These ornaments were 
provided for by a bequest of the late Eli Bates, 
who died in June, 1881, at Chicago. Forty 
thousand dollars were appropriated for the statue 
and fifteen thousand for the fountain. As soon 
as the arrangements are completed by the com- 
mittee in charge they will be made public, and 
competitive designs will be called for. 

The statue of Robert Fulton, which is to be 
placed by Pennsylvania in the House of Repre- 
sentatives at Washington will be made by How- 
ard Roberts, of Philadelphia. It represents 
Fulton in the dress and with the surroundings 
of a workingman, studying a mechanical model, 
which is held in the right hand. The second 
subject selected by Pennsylvania is Rev. (General) 
Muhlenberg. The sculptor is Miss Blanche 
Nevis, of Lancaster. 

The association formed to erect a monument 
to Abraham Lincoln, at Springfield, Illinois, 
met on Thursday, the 19th May, 1881, in that 
city. It has already sufficient funds on hand to 
pay for the two groups which are being cast on the 
models of Mr. Larkins G. Meade, the sculptor, 
now in Florence, Italy. A letter has been re- 
ceived from him proposing three additional fig- 
ures of colossal proportions for the monument. 
These figures represent Freedom, Justice and 
Peace, to be placed on the same elevation with 
the statue of Lincoln, on the remaining sides of 

On the 19th May the memorial monument to 
the late George B. Armstrong, organizer of 
the United States Postal Railroad Service, was 
unveiled in the presence of over five thousand 
spectators. Postmaster Frank W. Palmer re- 
viewed the life and work of Mr. Armstrong, and 
an oration was delivered by ex-Vice-President 
Schuyler Colfax. The monument was unveiled 
by Leonard W. Volk, the sculptor. It consists 
of a bronze bust of Mr. Armstrong, of heroic 
size, surmounting a granite pedestal three and 
one-half feet high, and two feet square, with a 
base three feet square and one and one-half feet 
thick, on a sub-base four feet square and a foot 
thick, and stands facing the corner of Clark and 
Adams streets, on the government grounds sur- 
rounding the new Post-office and Custom House. 
The inscription reads: "To the memory of 
George Buchanan Armstrong, founder of the 
Railway Mail Service in the United States. 
Born in Armagh, Ireland, Oct. 27, A. D. 1S22 ; 
died in Chicago, May 5, A. D. 1871. Erected 
by the Clerks in the Service, 1881. " 



(Publishers of Historical Works wishing Notices, will address the Editor, with 
Copies, Box 37, Station D— N. Y. Post Office.) 

Colonies in America. By Henry Cabot 
Lodge. 8vo, pp. 560. Harper & Brothers, 
New York, 1881. 

The first germ of a national spirit in the thir- 
teen original American colonies was developed 
at the meeting of the delegates at New York in 
the Stamp Act Congress of 1765. The letters of 
this period which have come down to us show 
how little the inhabitants of the different sec- 
tions knew of each other. Each and all of them 
had some trade with each other, but the modes 
of communication were simple and ihe distances 
too great to admit of any community of indi- 
vidual interest, or any general personal acquain- 
tance. Mr. Lodge selects this period as the 
limit of his history of the Colonies, and after a 
recital drawn from acknowledged sources of the 
progress of the Colonies up to that period, pre- 
sents a picture of each as he considers them then 
to have been. The field is a broad one, and he 
seems to have shrunk from any general presen- 
tation, confining himself to the simpler and 
easier plan of treating each in detail in mono- 
graphic form. There are occasional compari- 
sons of the social and economic conditions of 
the widely differing sections, but, as a whole, 
the social history of the Colonies yet remains to 
be written. Each Colony has its separate treat- 
ment in one or more chapters, after which 
are general chapters on New England as a 
group in 1765 ; the preparation for revolution ; 
the war for independence; and the peace of 1782. 
Fault has been found with the author because 
he has not chosen to enter the field of original 
investigation, at least in these pages, as to the 
date of the earlier attempts at the colonization 
of the continent ; but this is harsh judgment if 
it be borne in mind that his declared purpose is 
to present a picture of the Colonies at a typical 
period rather than a history of the political or 
other causes which led to the condition which 
he endeavors to portray. The fidelity of the 
picture alone is a fair subject of criticism. For 
his historic facts, where they are questionable, he 
supplies the authorities on which he relies. He 
only can give a fair judgment who is as familiar 
with the whole subject as Mr. Lodge shows him- 
self to be, and probably there is none such. 
Those only who have made a thorough study of 
the history of any one colony can be safely 
trusted in their opinion upon the truth of the 
picture as it affects that component part of the 
general work. As far as New York is con- 
cerned, we venture to say that Mr. Lodge, first 
of the historiographers, has shown an apprecia- 

tion of the characteristic traits which, as he 
justly says, "gave in colonial days a cosmo- 
politan tone to the community, which contrasts 
strongly with anything that can be found in the 
other provinces, " a tone which it has retained with 
increasing strength until it has become one of 
the world centres, typical of the close brother- 
hood of man, which the wonderful inventions of 
the present century have made possible. This 
was due of course to the variety of races which 
met and mingled in her borders from the early 
days of European colonization. While neither 
to the northward or the southward was there any 
considerable mingling of foreign blood with 
the original English element, few of the citizens 
of New York could have been found at the 
close of the last century, in whose veins did not 
run the strains of several races. Again 
in his picture of Virginia, as she appears in 
1765 and as she is to-day, Mr. Lodge justly 
finds far less change than in the other colonies. 
The towns of Virginia are to-day, to all outward 
aspect, colonial towns. The material change 
is far less than is found even in the towns and 
boroughs of Old England. Manners and habits 
have of course changed. Even in 1822 John 
Randolph, of Roanoke, could say with truth 
that the Virginians were a new people ; but no 
such change as has come over the entire North 
since the beginning of the wonderful European 
exodus which first assumed vast proportions in 
1848, (and which Everett justly described as ex- 
ceeding the hordes which overrun Western Fu- 
rope in the middle ages) has as yet reached the 
Southern States. In the compensations of life it 
is perhaps not to be regretted that the Southern 
States have preserved their thorough colonial 
type. They will bring to the cauldron, in which 
the elements of a new composite race are now 
seething at high temperature, the solid element 
of pure American blood. Finally relinquishing 
the idea that their peculiar autonomic charac- 
teristics can be retained either in race, habits, 
or policy, this important element in our popu- 
lation is fast grasping all the appliances of 
modern, progress and entering into competition 
upon fields which, though not chosen willingly, 
will yet be heartily worked under the stimulus of 
the aspirations which are common to us all. 

Of New England, Mr. Lodge writes know- 
ingly. There also, in some aspects, there has not 
been great change. The general air of the New 
England village, away from the hum of rail- 
roads, has not greatly altered. The people are 
still, as they were, homogeneous in race and 
character. The ruggedness of the soil has hin- 
dered increase of population comparable to that 



of more favored States. But the day of change 
has dawned for her also, and as her sons and 
daughters are tempted to more genial climes, 
where labor receives a more bountiful reward, 
the gap is filling fast with a new element which 
is bending her stern ways and changing the tone 
of her population also. But this is to draw a 
picture of America as it is, for which our justifica- 
tion is found in the fact that Mr. Lodge himself 
has not been able to escape wholly from the 
comparison which arises perforce to each think- 
ing mind, between the American of the Colonial 
and the American of the Cosmopolitan period, of 
whom it is more easy to discover what manner 
of man he is than what he may be at the close 
even of the present century. The times change 
indeed, and we with them, to a degree unknown 
in any other race or people on the earth's surface. 

the First Seventeen Years of Salisbury, 
to the Separation in 1654 ; and Merri- 
mac from its Incorporation in 1876. By 
Joseph Merrill. 8vo, pp. 451. Press of 
Franklin P. Stiles. Haverhill. 1880. For 
sale by John F. Johnson, Amesbury, Mass. 
For a quarter of a century the author, who has 
had the custody of the town records and docu- 
ments for forty years, has been pursuing his in- 
vestigation of the progress and doings of the 
town, from the first few who crossed the Powow 
river to the present day. The table of contents 
supplies an analytic index, chronologically ar- 
ranged, from 1637 to 1876, of all the chief inci- 
dents treated in the text ; and the history is ar- 
ranged in the same order. In the story of the 
early settlement of the Massachusetts coast by 
the Pilgrims, which was in great measure made 
by small independent companies who explored 
the country and made permanent residence on 
favorable spots, it will be found that little regard 
was paid to the territorial rights of the Indian 
inhabitants. But there were cases in which con- 
science prompted some compensation, as in 
that of Haverhill, where settlement was made in 
1642, and the territory purchased of the Indian 
chiefs Passagus and Saggahen in 1642. The 
tribe of Naumkeaks owned the land now known 
as the county of Essex. Salem was first settled 
here in 1628 ; soon after which other plantations 
to the eastward ; among which, within ten years, 
Ipswich, Newberry, Merrimac and Hampton. 
About 1638 the river was crossed and Merrimac 
begun. From Merrimac to the sea was the 
favorite haunt of the littoral tribes. At Salis- 
bury, near the marsh, huge piles of clam shells 
attested, until recently, their occupation. The 
beautiful Powow river was another favorite resort 
of the migratory tribes who lived on the product 

of the stream and the sea. On the hill overlook- 
ing the river was the coign of vantage of the 
primitive savage, whence their name of Powows 
or Powawus. During the colonial period the 
story of the settlement was similar to that of its 
neighbors. In 1775 Amesbury stood true to the 
patriotic cause, and sent her quota to the Cam- 
bridge camp, under Capt. John Currier, who 
enlisted his men by order of the Provincial 
Congress. The town provided sixty-nine coats, 
her proportion of the thirteen thousand called for 
to uniform the men. A prominent incident in 
the later history of Amesbury was the removal 
to it, in 1808, of John Greenleaf Whittier from 
his ancestral home in Haverhill. He made his 
home on Friend street, at the foot of Whitcher's 
Hill, and here has written the greater part of his 
popular poems — poems which have been a factor 
in the redemption of our common country from 
one of the greatest iniquities of history, for which 
it is but just to confess the men of the North and 
of the South are alike responsible. The want of 
an index, though partially atoned for by the care- 
ful chronological table of contents mentioned, is 
nevertheless to be regretted. 


General Sullivan's Campaign against 
the Iroquois in 1779, held at Waterloo, Sep- 
tember 3d, 1879. Prepared by Diedrich 
Willers, Jr. To which is prefixed a sketch 
of the Waterloo Library and Historical So- 
ciety, by Rev. S. H. Gridley, D. D. Pub- 
lished under the auspices of the Waterloo 
Library and Historical Society. 8vo, 
pp. 350. Waterloo, N. Y. 1880. 
In February, 1879, the Waterloo Historical 
Society resolved to celebrate the centennial anni- 
versary of Sullivan's campaign, and his march 
across the territory of Seneca county. This vol- 
ume gives a full account of the interesting pro- 
ceedings. The historical address delivered by the 
Rev. David Craft presents the most complete ac- 
count of this memorable campaign which has 
yet appeared, and leaves nothing to be desired. 
It is a source of satisfaction that it is preserved 
in so excellent a form. The Waterloo Historical 
Society was organized in April, 1S75, and incor- 
porated in January of the following year, when 
a library foundation was bestowed upon it by 
Mr. Thomas Fantzinger, in the sum of five 
thousand dollars, which he later increased by be- 
quest of a similar sum to ten thousand dollars. 
Three thousand volumes have been collected, and 
supply reading ma'ter for the community. 
Twenty-five original papers on local history have 
been contributed to the society during the last 
five years, among which are noticeable, as of a 

2 3 8 


general character : The March of Gen. Sullivan 
through Seneca county, by S. R. Welles ; Border 
Land, by W. H. Bogart ; Logan, the Mingo 
Chief, by Fred. II. Furniss ; Indian Life and 
Character, by John S. Clark ; Life and Adven- 
tures of Horatio Jones, Captain and Interpreter 
of the Seneca Indians, by S. H. Gridley ; Rev. 
Samuel Kirkland, Missionary to the Six Nations, 
by S. H. Gridley ; Red Jacket, the Seneca 
Orator, by S. H. Gridley ; all of which, we trust, 
may soon be printed by the Society. 


America, Great Britain and Ireland. A 
Report of meetings held in honor of the One 
Hundredth Anniversary of the Birth of Wil- 
liam Ellery Channing. Edited by Russell 
Nevins Bellows. i6mo, pp. 532. George 
H. Ellis (Channing building). Boston, 

Two Americans, the one who, though dead, 
yet speaketh, the other who still remains with 
us in the flesh, Channing and Emerson, are 
already acknowledged by the intellectual universe 
to have attained the rare rank of Seers — Seers 
in the true sense of the word, with an insight 
into the nature and order of things, and a pro- 
phetic outlook over the vast plane of human 
intelligence. The one has been called the Ideal 
American, the other may as truly be called the 
Real American. The range of our history may 
be searched in vain for better types of pure in- 
telligence than these two men present in char- 
acters, almost the opposites, or it may be better 
said the complements of each other. 

The Life of Channing has been admirably 
portrayed by his nephew, William H. Channing, 
a notice of which appeared in these pages, (V. 
227.) Reminiscences of his teachings were re- 
lated by Elizabeth Palmer Peabody, who sat lov- 
ingly at his feet (see Mag. V. 227) and an elabor- 
ate account of the Celebration of the One Hun- 
dredth Anniversary of his birthday was prepared 
by the skillful hand of the Rev. George E. Ellis 
(V. 229). In one of these notices attention was 
invited to the universality of Channing's fame, 
the widespread interest in his writings through- 
out the United States and wherever the English 
tongue is spoken, and to the exceptional fact 
that all denominations of worshippers of God 
united in the honor then paid to his memory as 
an Apostle of the Church Universal ; the 
church which holds in its broad fold every lover 
of his kind. 

This volume brings additional testimony to 
the truth of this then acknowledged fact. 
American Centenary Celebrations of Channing's 
birthday were held at Newport, Boston, Brooklyn, 
New York, Chicago, St. Louis, St. Paul, Mead- 

ville, Washington, Ann Arbor, Madison, Cin 
cinnati, San Francisco, Montreal, and a host of 
minor towns, at all of which the eminent of the 
clergy, the professions, and of men of literary 
culture, were quick to bring their separate trib- 
ute of homage to the pure minded " prophet of 
the soul ; " the Teacher of the moral as dis- 
tinct from the Preacher of religious code. The 
Press a so gave voice to the general sentiment 
which pervaded the American mind. All of 
these have notice in the complete record before 
us, but we look with more interest upon the 
record which appears of the celebrations in Great 
Britain and Ireland, held at London, Liverpool, 
Manchester, Belfast and Aberdeen, where the 
late Dean of Westminster, dear to Americans for 
his broad human sympathies, Hopford, Brooke, 
Ernest Renan, James Martineau, Thomas 
Hughes and others of less familiar names, were 
not less ready, not less pronounced in their 
demonstration of regard. And to complete the 
long line of witnesses, Mr. Bellows refers to the 
work of Rene Lavollee, crowned by the 
Academy of Moral and Political Sciences as the 
best essay on Channing's Life and work. " The 
greatest tribute of all," to use the words of the 
editor of the volume before us, " was that of the 
illustrious Von Bunsen, who said : ' Channing is 
an antique hero with a Christian heart. He is 
a man like a Hellene, a citizen like a Roman, 
a Christian like an Apostle. People take him 
for what he is not when they treat him as a 
learned and speculative theologian.' " 

Church in Boston of the Completion of 
Two Hundred and Fifty Years Since its 
Foundation, on Thursday, November 18, 
1880. Also Four Historical Sermons. With 
illustrations. Printed by order of the Society. 
8vo, pp. 2t8. Hall & Whiting. Boston. 

One of the earliest acts of the Colonists, on 
their arrival in New England, was the forma- 
tion of a church. The covenant was signed on 
the 30th July, 1630, and was the beginning of the 
First church of Boston. The first meeting house 
was built in 1632, of mud walls with a thatched 
roof. It stood on State street on the site of the 
structure known as Brazer's Building. In 1639 
a house was built on the site of the present Joy's 
Building in Washington street. In 1711 this 
meeting house was burned and rebuilt. In 1808 
the Society removed to a new building on 
Chauncy street, and in 1868 to the beautiful 
church on Berkeley street, a fine view of which 
prefaces this memorial account. 

The first of the Four Historical Sermons 
which follow the account of the preliminary pro- 



ceedings at the commemoration, by the Rev. 
Rufus Ellis, begins by establishing the point that 
the 30th of July, old style, or the 9th of August, 
new style, and not the iSth of November, was 
the true birthday of the First church in Boston. 
On that day, 1630, John Winthrop, Thomas 
Dudley, Isaac Johnson and the Rev. John Wilson 
met at a spot on the north side of Charles River 
called Mishawam by the natives, and Charlestown 
by the white man. Here they prepared and 
subscribed the covenant of the church. Wilson, 
who had been chaplain to the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, Canon of Windsor, and Prebendary 
of Rochester, and had preached at Sudbury, in 
Suffolk, England, for several years, was the first 
pastor of the little congregation. John Cotton 
became its Teacher, immediately on his arrival, 
with the reputation of a Cambridge scholar, and 
his son, " Seaborn," was baptized into the con- 
gregation. The creed of the church was ' ' ex- 
perimental religion." The three sermons which 
follow bring down the history of the church to 
the present day. 

Next in order in the volume comes the sermon 
preached to the First church on the close of the 
second century, 29th August, 1830, by N. L. 
Frothingham, which gives an account of the 
pastors from the beginning to that date : 
Wilson, Cotton, Norton, Davenport, Allen, 
Oxenbridge, Moodey, Bailey, W r adsworth, Bridge, 
Chauncy, Clarke, Emerson, Abbot — "a solemn 
train." To these must be added the names of 
Frothingham and Ellis. 

These admirable discourses are followed by 
an account of the commemorative services. The 
address fell to the competent hands of Dr .George 
E. Ellis, and is full of suggestive points. He 
notices the disappearance of the copies of the 
Book of Common Prayer, once in the possession 
of these exiled members of the Church of Eng- 
land — " as rare here as the holly or the mistle- 
toe " — and the more significant absence of any 
of the phrases of the once beloved liturgy from 
the sermons and the letters of the Puritan 
divines, but in their place, the words and the 
usage of the primitive Christians, as found in the 
Acts and Epistles of the Apostles. 

The Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, in his ad- 
dress, claimed for the ancestor he so worthily 
represented, the authorship of the covenant. 
Addresses were also made by Governor Long, 
Mayor Prince, President John Eliot of Harvard, 
President Noah Porter of Yale, the Rev. Grindall 
Reynolds, Phillips Brooks, the Chrysostomus of 
the American church, Professor Everett, the 
Hon. Robert S. Rantoul and the Rev. G. W. 

The volume is elegantly printed, and in every 
way worthy of the ancient theme. We are 
tempted to linger over its pages in the recollec- 
tion that this was the faith which was held by 

the "Lois and the Eunice" of the writer's 
forefathers, and that it was in this congregation 
that they, original Puritans, were taught the 
worship of God. 

BOOK of Ready Reference for Students, 
General Readers and Teachers. By R. 
Heber Holbrook. T2mo, pp. 107. Normal 
Teachers' Publishing House, J. E. Sher- 
rill, Proprietor. Danville, Ind. 1880. 
The purpose of this handy little volume is to 
help the reader of history to view particular events 
in their general relations. It appeals to the in- 
telligence through the eye. Its contents are not 
to be memorized, but to be used currently as an 
aid to the memory. They are the result of prac- 
tical experience in a teaching of ten years. Its 
use will surely fulfill the author's declared purpose 
in freeing the delightful study of history from the 
deadness of chronological memorizing. It has 
already stood the test of experience in manuscript 
form. We can best commend it by saying that 
it shall never be out of sight on the table of the 
Editor of this Magazine. It will save many a 
search for the precise details of facts which 
everybody knows generally, but which, neverthe- 
less, are difficult to reach at a given moment. 


Round the World. By George M. Towle. 

i6mo, pp. 281. Lee & Shepard. Boston. 

C. T. Dillingham, New York. 1880. 

Fernan Magellan, whose adventurous life is 
treated in a familiar style in this volume, was 
a Portuguese of noble family, who at an early 
age entered the service of his king, and accom- 
panied Albuquerque on an expedition to the 
east coast of Africa and to India. He returned 
to Portugal on account of a difference with his 
chief, and being harshly treated by King Manuel, 
transferred his allegiance to Charles of Spain, 
who afterward was the great Emperor Charles 
V. This monarch, appreciating the adventurous 
disposition of Magellan, gave him command of 
a fleet of four small ships, in which he set sail 
from Seville on the 20th of September, 15 19, 
and on the 2 1st of October, 15 20, passed through 
the Straits which bear his name, and entered 
the Ocean to which he gave the name of Pacific. 
He was killed at the island of Matan, one of the 
Phillipines, in an encounter with the natives on 
the 7th of April, 1521, in the forty-first year of 
his age. But one of his vessels returned to 
Spain, being the first to circumnavigate the 
globe, and to discover that in sailing from east to 
west a day was apparently lost from the calendar. 

W. C. S. 




A Short History of the English Colonies 
in America. By Henry Cabot Lodge. 8vo. 
Harper & Brothers, New York, 1881. 

Transactions of the Literary and Histo- 
rical Society of Quebec. Sessions of 
1880-1. 8vo. Printed at the Morning Chroni- 
cle Office. 1881. 

Biographical Sketch of Lyman C. Draper, 
LL.D., Secretary of the State Historical 
Society of Wisconsin. By Prof. Rasmus B. 
Anderson. 8vo. Peter G. Thomson, Printer. 
Cincinnati, O., 1881. 

Life and Letters of John Howard Ray- 
mond. Edited by his eldest Daughter. i2mo. 
'Fords, Howard & Hurlbert, New York, 1881. 

Resources of South West Virginia. Show- 
ing the Mineral deposits of Iron, Coal, Zinc, 
Copper, Lead, &c. By C. R. Boyd. 8vo. 
John Wiley & Sons, New York, 1881. 

The Commemoration of the First Church 
in Boston, of the completion of the Two 
Hundred and Fifty Years since its Founda- 
tion, on Thursday, March 18, 1880. Also, 
four Historical Sermons, with illustrations. 
8vo. Hall & Whiting, Boston, 1881. 

The Campaign of Chancellorsville. By 
Theodore A. Dodge, United States Army. 
8vo. James R. Osgood & Co., Boston, 1881. 

Bulletin of Books in the various departments 
of Literature and Science added to the Public 
Library of Cincinnati during the year 1880. 
Large 8vo. Published by the Board of Man- 
agers, Cincinnati, 188 1. 

Pennsylvania in the War of the Revolu- 
tion. Battalions and Line 1775-1783. Edit- 
ed by John Blair Lewis and William H. Egle, 
M. D. Vol. II. 8vo. Lane S. Hart, State 
Printer, Harrisburg, 1880. 

History of Amesbury, including the first sev- 
enteen years of Salisbury to the separation in 
1654, and Merrimac from its incorporation in 
1876. By Joseph Merrill. 8vo. Press of 
Franklin P. Stiles, Haverhill, 1880. 

The Lives of Eminent Methodist Minis- 
ters, containing Biographical Sketches, Inci- 

' dents, Anecdotes, Record of Travel, Reflec- 
tions, &c. By Rev. P. Douglass Gorrie. 
i6mo. R. Worthington, New York, 1881. 

The Correspondence of Prince Talleyrand 
and King Louis XVIII. , during the Congress 
of Vienna, &c. With a Preface, Observations 
and Notes. By M. G. Pallain. i2mo. Harp- 
er & Brothers, New York, 1881. 

The Life of the Rev. John Wesley, with 
some account of his ancestors and relations ; 
and the Life of the Rev. Charles Wesley. By 
John Whitehead. i2mo. R. Worthington, 
New York, 1881. 

A Brief History of Ancient Peoples, with 
an account of their Monuments, Literature 
and Manners. Barnes's One Term Series. 
i2mo. A. S. Barnes & Co., New York and 
Chicago, 1 88 1. 

History of the English People. By John 
Richard Green. 2 vols. 24mo. American 
Book Exchange, New York, 1881. 

Nez Perce Joseph. An account of his ances- 
tors, his lands, his confederates, his ene- 
mies, his murders, his wars, his pursuit and 
capture. By O. O. Howard, Brig. Gen. U. 
S. A. i6mo. Lee & Shepard, Boston, 1881. 

Indian Names of Places, Etc., in and on the 
borders of Connecticut, with interpretations 
of some of them. By J. Plammond Trum- 
bull. 8vo. Hartford, 1881. 

Papers of the Archeological Institute of 
America. American Series, I. 1, Histori- 
cal Introduction and Studies among the Seden- 
tary Indians of New Mexico. 2, Report on 
the Ruins of the Pueblo of Pecos. By A. 
F. Bandelier. 8vo. A. Williams & Co., 
Boston, 1881. 

Soldiers and Sailors Historical Society 
of Rhode Island. Personal Narratives of 
Events in the War of the Rebellion. No. 9, 
Second Series. Personal Experiences of the 
Chancellorsville Campaign. By Horatio Rog- 
ers. Small 4 to pamphlet. N. Bangs, Williams 
& Co., Providence, 1881. 

Rhode Island Historical Tracts, No. 12. 
The Medical School, formerly existing in 
Brown University, its Professors and Gradu- 
ates. By Charles W. Parsons, M. D. Small 
4to pamphlet. Sidney S. Rider, Providence 
R. I., 18S1. 

Societe Normande de Geographie. Bulletin 
de l'Annee, 1881, Mars-Avril. 4to pamphlet, 
Imprimerie de Esperance ; Cagniard, Rouen, 



President of the United States 





September 24M, 1881. 



Vol. OCTOBFrR > 4 


iiig-ton and his compa 
if ell-nigh exhausted ; many had 

the pec 
-noi. ed, while innun 

. influeni 







Vol. VII OCTOBER 1881 No. 4 



WE have little conception of the difficulties that surrounded Wash- 
ington and his compatriots during- the year and a half preceding 
the capture of Cornwallis. The resources of the country were 
well-nigh exhausted ; many had been drawn to the battle-field and there 
perished, and so great a number still remained in the army that the 
mechanical industries of the people were nearly ruined ; villages were 
more or less dilapidated, while innumerable farms were lying waste 
for the want of cultivation. The influence of the war overshadowed 
the whole land, blighting its progress, and interfering with the comfort 
and success of the people. The Continental money was next to worth- 
less, and that issued by the separate States was even of less value. Dis- 
trust of the ultimate success of the struggle discouraged many of the 
people, yet there was a gleam of sunshine in the hearts of the hopeful 
few ; their zeal never flagged, and their intelligence prompted them to 
make great personal sacrifices in the expectation of securing for their 
country liberty and independence for all future time. 

Another impediment to the success of the patriots was the multitudes 
who sympathized with the royal cause, some no doubt from pure, and 
some from sinister motives. Among these disloyalists were many who 
were unwilling the Colonies should separate from England, which they 
characterized by the endearing name of " Home." They were proud of 
her glories in literature and arms, and claimed them as part of their own 
inheritance. Another class of the more unenlightened among the tories 
were often disloyal from an indefinable reverence for the persons of the 
royal family, and of their shadow, the aristocracy. These clung to the 
cause of the king for the reason they were unable to comprehend the 
vast importance to themselves and their children of being separated from 
England and untrammeled by her restrictions and influence as a sovereign. 


The limited means of movement at that time from one portion of the 
country to another cannot be fully appreciated by the people of to-day, 
who have so many facilities for easy and rapid communication with 
each other. Sir Henry Clinton had his main army in New York City, 
in whose harbor was also a large and effective British fleet; Corn- 
wallis had an army in Virginia three or four hundred miles distant, 
and other generals commanded troops stationed still further south 
in the Carolinas and Georgia ; between these points were no places 
occupied by British troops. These armies were all accessible by sea 
from Sir Henry's headquarters in New York, while for the patriots the 
only way was by land — a route long and tedious, with bad roads to be 
passed over on horseback, on foot or by means of cumbersome wagons. 
The advantage on the part of the British to transport soldiers and mili- 
tary stores, was in comparison almost incalculable; in addition they 
were supplied with the most approved war material of the time, while 
the army of the patriots was as indifferently accoutered as their oppo- 
nents were well armed and drilled. The war vessels of the United 
States consisted of only two frigates ; the others had been either cap- 
tured or destroyed. 

Arrangements of the Patriot Troops — In the winter of 1780-81, 
and spring of the latter year, the troops under Washington were 
camped so as to threaten New York City, while to repel a movement 
from Canada, should one be made, a portion of the State forces were 
stationed at Albany. At West Point and along the Hudson in the High- 
lands, were troops from New England ; at Pompton, New Jersey, were 
the soldiers belonging to that State,. and at Morristown was a portion of 
the Pennsylvania contingent. The French army, for the most part, was 
wintering at Newport, Rhode Island, while one legion, that of the Duke 
de Lauzun, was at Lebanon, Connecticut. Washington had his head- 
quarters in a central position, at Windsor on the Hudson. In different 
parts of the South were stationed American soldiers — militia and Con- 
tinentals — under Lafayette, Gen. Greene and the Baron Steuben. 

The disposition of troops in the northern division was owing to the 
fact that the main portion of the British army was located on Staten 
Island, and in New York on Manhattan Island ; in the harbor was moored 
their fleet — the right arm of their power. Yet they were confined closely 
to the city, not daring even to make foraging raids very far into the 
country, because they were liable to be roughly handled by the patriots, 
who were on the lookout, and their arrangements were such that almost 


on the appearance of the marauders, the whole country was immediately 
roused to repel them. Philadelphia, at that time, had the larger popula- 
lation, but not being so accessible from the ocean as New York, the 
British commander had his main army in the latter city, in whose harbor 
he could have his fleet for the purpose of defence, and in readiness to 
send aid wherever needed. 

Affairs in the Carolinas — When Cornwallis captured Charleston, 
the capital of the Colony of South Carolina (May 12, 1780), he imagined 
he had subdued the whole region. Thinking, perhaps, capital cities in 
the Colonies bore the same relation to the surrounding country that they 
did in Europe, we may judge his surprise when the numerous patriots 
under Sumter, Marion and others were continually harrassing his 
foraging parties whenever they ventured out from his main army. 
There was, it was true, the quiet of a conquered land, but of one in 
which the people were waiting only for a favorable opportunity to fly to 
arms. Since the disastrous defeat of Gates at Camden (August 16, 1780), 
Cornwallis had better reason to suppose the conflict in that section vir- 
tually ended, but in a few months Gen. Nathanael Greene appeared as 
Commander of the American forces ; by his indefatigable exertions, and 
skillful handling of his men, he kept his lordship busy in warding off 
attacks, especially in unexpected quarters. 

In the South the state of affairs was sad indeed ; Whigs and Tories 
were unrelenting foes ; they ravaged in turn the whole region, destroying 
private property and burning the houses of each other. There is no 
sadder picture of the horrors of the Revolutionary struggle than the 
fiendish animosity toward each other that seemed to pervade the souls 
of the Whigs and Tories of these States. Why it was is hard to define. 
Under such repeated pillagings and raids, that whole section became 
almost a desolation. The three States of North Carolina, South Caro- 
lina and Georgia, were in the ordinary sense subdued, as their most 
important points were occupied by the British. 

Early in the year (January, 1781) was fought the battle of Cowpens, 
in which Gen. Daniel Morgan defeated Col. Banastie Tarleton, the noted 
British cavalry officer. Then commenced the pursuit of Morgan by 
Cornwallis with a superior and well equipped army ; but after a forced 
march of two hundred miles, the latter found himself completely baffled 
and forced to fall back, to be in turn closely followed by Gen. Greene, 
now in command. At length a conflict took place near Guilford Court 
House, N. C, from which place Greene fell back, after crippling his 


adversary so much that really the gain was on his own side ; while Corn- 
wallis marched northward, leaving the Carolinas to the care of Lord 
Rawdon. About a month later (April 25), was fought the battle of Hob- 
kirk's Hill, S. C. — a drawn battle, but the advantage, if any, was on the 
side of the Americans. Soon after several fortified places fell into 
the hands of the patriots, and Lord Rawdon retired to within a 
short distance of Charleston. Both armies remained inactive during 
the hot weather, except the skirmishing of foraging parties, till the battle 
of Eutaw Springs (Sept. 8, 1781), which in the main resulted favorably 
to the Americans, though in none of these engagements were they 
equal to their enemies, either in numbers of regular soldiers or equip- 
ments. In these various conflicts, and in the movements connected 
with them, Greene displayed remarkable skill in deceiving his enemies, 
and in striking where he was least expected. 

The March of Cornwallis toward Virginia — After the battle 
of Guilford Court House, the army of Cornwallis was so much reduced 
in number that he resolved to fall back by way of Wilmington, N. C, 
toward the North. He tarried in the vicinity of the former place some- 
time, to refresh his troops and await reinforcements, intending as soon 
as prepared to return southward to aid the royal cause in South Caro- 
lina. Meantime he learned that Greene, who had been cautiously fol- 
lowing him, attacking his foraging parties and cutting off his messen- 
gers, had suddenly turned, and was far on his way toward Camden, S. C, 
where Lord Rawdon was in command. It was useless to attempt to 
overtake Greene or to make an effort to aid Rawdon; the risk was 
too great, for if he went in that direction he might be hemmed in by 
the patriots and distressed for provisions, as that whole region had 
been swept over more than once by the opposing forces. His army 
had been on the move for the greater part of a year, having, it was 
estimated, marched and countermarched more than a thousand miles, 
through a country in the main bitterly hostile, the roads being few 
and very difficult to travel. These considerations induced him to 
move northward from Wilmington to join Gen. Phillips by appoint- 
ment at Petersburg, Virginia. He commenced his march about the 1st 
of May, the distance being more than two hundred miles. Phillips 
had superseded the traitor Benedict Arnold, about one month before 
(March 26, 1781), in the command in Virginia. 

Previous to this time, Arnold had been marauding for some months 
in that region, though closely watched, and sometimes attacked, by 


Baron Steuben ; he was not prevented, however, from effectually pillag- 
ing the country along the James and the lower portion of its tributaries, 
but did not dare to venture far from navigable waters. On one occasion 
he appeared before Richmond and offered to spare the place if permitted 
to carry off the tobacco in store ; this was refused by the Governor, 
Thomas Jefferson, and he burned a portion of the village. This part of 
the State was specially defenceless, as the slaves were numerous and 
the planters few in comparison. Baron Steuben was in general com- 
mand in Virginia ; he had, however, a small force of only five or six 
hundred militia, having sent all the men he could spare to aid Gen. 
Greene in the Carolinas. 

There had been a plan laid to capture Arnold, and Washington in 
the early spring sent Lafayette with troops and artillery to aid in the 
enterprise. The French also sent, under the command of De Tilly, a 
sixty-gun ship and two frigates to surprise the British vessels in the 
Chesapeake, but Arnold learned of the expedition, and withdrawing his 
shipping up the Elizabeth river into shallow water, the French had to 
content themselves in lying off in their large ships, while those of the 
enemy were safely anchored twelve miles distant. Soon after, another 
French naval force was sent from Newport to cooperate with that in the 
Bay, and with the army expected under Lafayette, but they were pur- 
sued by the British fleet. These fleets met off the Capes, and after a short 
conflict, without definite result, they parted. The French were so dis- 
abled that they returned to Newport, and the English entered Chesa- 
peake Bay. This was the fourth time the French fleet had failed to co- 
operate effectually with the American land forces. Arnold was now 
reinforced by two thousand troops under Gen. Phillips, who, as has 
been stated, assumed command. 

We may imagine the disappointment of Lafayette and his wearied 
soldiers, who had reached Annapolis, when they learned that the fleet 
reported at anchor in the Roads was the British and not the French, as 
they had reason to suppose. The object of the expedition was defeated. 
After some delay, caused by the blockade of the port by the British 
vessels, the troops were withdrawn to the Head of Elk, and marched 
early in April to Baltimore, where Lafayette refitted his men. Marching 
them southward, he joined Steuben in Virginia, and took command of 
the forces there. 

British Raids and Outrages — When Cornwallis joined his forces 
Tvith those in Virginia and assumed command, he resolved to crush 


Lafayette before he should receive the reinforcements said to be on their 
march from the North, under the command of Gen. Anthony Wayne. 
He was so confident of success that, in writing- to Sir Henry Clinton,, 
he represented himself as having the Marquis within his grasp ; in con- 
sequence the latter, in a dispatch to the home government, said: 
" Lafayette, I think, cannot escape him." When Cornwailis moved 
from Petersburg to unite with the fresh troops sent from New York 
under Gen. Leslie, Lafayette was at Richmond, but having an inferior 
force, he retreated towards the north to meet Wayne, who was 
approaching with a portion of the Pennsylvania line. Cornwailis 
crossed the James below Richmond, and moved rapidly in pursuit, but 
finding it impossible to prevent their junction, he fell back toward the 
lower James. 

There has been in the American mind a peculiar odium attached to- 
the traitor Arnold, because of his committing so many outrages in Vir- 
ginia. As much disgrace should attach to the name of Cornwailis for 
the ravages committed by his immediate command. His cavalry 
speedily scoured the country, and seized all the horses they could reach ; 
these were considered at the time to be the finest in the colonies. 
Gen. Greene, when passing through Virginia on his way to the Caro- 
linas, urged the planters to remove these fine animals into the interior,, 
lest they should be captured to replenish the British cavalry. The 
advice was disregarded, and ere long about six hundred of Tarleton's 
men were mounted on horses, great numbers of which had bee*n 
trained for the races, common in that State. Oftentimes the marauders 
wantonly cut the throats of colts that were too young to be of service 
for cavalry. Outrages of this character were not perpetrated elsewhere 
during the war. Tarleton ravaged the country, destroying stores of 
provisions and crops; he attempted by a bold dash to capture the mem- 
bers of the Legislature, then in session at Charlottesville, and came near 
making a prisoner of the Governor himself, Thomas Jefferson, in his 
home at Monticello. For some reason he would not permit the 
premises at Monticello to be injured ; yet, " under the eye of Corn- 
wailis," another farm of Jefferson was thoroughly plundered, the 
growing crops destroyed, the horses carried off, and the throats of the 
colts cut, while the barns and fences were burned. 

Indecisive Conflicts — Lafayette and Wayne, having united their 
forces, immediately moved, and by a rapid night march presented them- 
selves in front of Cornwailis and, being joined by large numbers of the 


militia, their force made so formidable show that the British general 
thought it prudent to fall back to Richmond, and finally down to Wil- 
liamsburg (June 25). Lafayette was now joined by Steuben, and his 
entire army amounted to about 4,000 men, one-half of whom were reg- 
ulars or Continentals. He sent detachments that interfered materially 
with the foraging parties of the British army, meanwhile advancing 
with his main force toward Williamsburg. 

About this time Sir Henry Clinton became much alarmed at the 
demonstrations making against New York. He expected to be attacked 
by twenty thousand men, and believed that De Grasse, when he learned 
that Cornwallis was out of reach, would sail to New York to assist 
in an attempt on that city. This theory seems to have made him 
afterward unable to give due weight to evidence coming to his knowl- 
edge respecting the movement of Washington toward Virginia. He 
now sent an urgent demand to Cornwallis for reinforcements from the 
British army in Virginia. 

To comply with this requisition, Cornwallis moved all his force 
toward Portsmouth in order to embark the troops. Lafayette cautiously 
followed, intending, if opportunity served, to attack the rear-guard of 
the British army when the main portion had crossed the river, but 
the wary Cornwallis, suspecting the design, laid plans to deceive 
his pursuer. Accordingly on the 6th July he sent over his pack-horses 
and wagons to an island in the James, and of these he made a great 
display. Meanwhile Tarleton deputed a dragoon — who pretended to 
be a deserter — and a negro, to throw themselves in the way of the 
Americans, and announce to them that the main portion of the army 
had passed over, and only the rear-guard was waiting to cross. The 
story seemed plausible, and Wayne was sent to make the attack ; he 
was to be supported by the main body. Wayne, moving rapidly for- 
ward, apparently surprised a picket, which, in accordance with orders, 
after a resistance lasting only a few minutes, retreated. Thus encour- 
aged, Wayne dashed on, when presently he found himself confronted 
with what seemed the whole British army. In a moment he divined 
the stratagem by which he had been deceived ; his fearless spirit sug- 
gested his course. He at once sounded a charge, and his Pennsyl- 
vanians, nine hundred strong, and three cannon in full play, with 
shouts of victory, dashed against the enemy. This vigorous attack 
continued for a few minutes, when, at his command, the men as speedily 
fell back, losing, however, their cannon, the horses which drew them 
being killed. Cornwallis was in turn bewildered ; the sudden and 


vigorous assault, as well as the rapidity with which the Americans 
retreated, disconcerted him. He refused, as it was growing dark, to 
permit his men to pursue, lest they should fall into an ambuscade. The 
following day he passed over the river and proceeded to Portsmouth; 
but, when in the act of sending a detachment on board the ships, he 
received another message from Clinton, informing him that he had been 
reinforced by three thousand Hessians from Europe, and he should not 
need more troops. 

According to Stedman, Sir Henry Clinton at first favorably enter- 
tained the idea of Cornwallis, when he had joined Phillips, of making a 
raid north, along the Chesapeake and up the valley of the Susquehannah. 
He was led to think of such an expedition by the representations of 
Tories, who assured him if a British army would make its appearance 
in that region, there would be an uprising of the loyalists. Cornwallis 
was not so sanguine ; he had little faith in promised uprisings of these 
gentlemen, and in consequence he was opposed to the whole scheme. 
Perhaps he also called to mind his experience in being harrassed when 
marching through the thinly settled Carolinas, and reflected that on the 
shores of the Chesapeake and up the Susquehannah the population was 
much more numerous. He would only enter upon the movement when 
ordered ; and he intimated his willingness to return to Charleston and 
take command there. 

Sir Henry Clinton also took occasion to inform Cornwallis of the 
rumors afloat that the Count de Grasse, then in command of a fleet in 
the West Indies, intended to visit the American coast. Sir Charles 
Rodney, who was on the West India station with a British squadron, 
gave it as his opinion that De Grasse would go to the Chesapeake. This 
information seemed to allay the fears of Clinton, as a French fleet in the 
bay could not injure the forces under Cornwallis. It appears never to 
have occurred to him that possibly Washington, by forced marches, 
might lead his army from the Hudson to the Chesapeake, nor did he 
avail himself of the suggestion of Rodney, to send a fleet to counteract 
the plans of the Count. Cornwallis on his part felt equally safe, as he 
wrote to Sir Henry Clinton he could spare him twelve hundred men 
to aid in defending New York. 

The home government and Clinton were both unwilling to abandon 
the control of Chesapeake Bay and Virginia ; hence an order was sent 
to Cornwallis to select some place accessible from the sea, and there 
fortify himself. This order came with the message countermanding 
the previous one to send a reinforcement of troops to New York. To 


comply with this command, on the 26th July, 1781, Cornwallis chose 
Yorktown and Gloucester Point. These are on opposite sides of York 
river, which here narrows to about one mile in width, and are accessible 
from the bay, which is about fifteen miles distant. His army now 
amounted to nearly eight thousand effective men. He began to throw 
up strong entrenchments, while a number of ships of war were moored 
in the river. 

The French Fleet, and Delays — It was long evident to Wash- 
ington and Congress that if success was to be obtained, the superiority 
of the British naval force must be overcome. This could be done 
only by inducing the French government to send a sufficiently large 
number of men-of-war to the American coast. Hitherto it had seemed 
fated that the French fleet should fail to cooperate with the Ameri- 
can land forces. Congress some time before had commissioned John 
Laurens of South Carolina, one of Washington's Aids, to France for 
the special purpose of inducing that government to send a strong 
fleet and a large number of troops to the United States. Laurens 
was remarkable for his pleasing manners no less than for his diplo- 
matic ability ; he succeeded in obtaining the promise of a large fleet 
and a body of troops, and also a loan of money, which amounted to 
more than a million dollars. In accordance with this promise, 
Count de Grasse sailed (March, 1781) from Brest with twenty-five 
sail of the line, on board of which were several thousand troops — 
the greater portion of the latter, however, were designed. for the West 

While the operations already referred to were going on in the south- 
ern section of the country ^ nothing special was done in the northern 
except to watch the enemy's forces in New York, and make prepara- 
tions to capture the city. To obtain that result was utterly impossible 
without a sufficient naval force to overcome that of the British in the 
harbor, and for this assistance Washington was waiting till it could be 
sent by France, and also for the States, severally, to furnish more sol- 
diers and supplies. 

Insubordination — On the first day of this eventful year (1781) a 
revolt of an alarming character broke out in the Pennsylvania line sta- 
tioned at Morristown, New Jersey. Their sufferings were great, and 
what they deemed the indifference of Congress to their wants roused 
their indignation, and led them to leave their camp and march in an 


orderly manner direct to the doors of that body, then in session at 
Philadelphia, and demand redress in person. These men, though guilty 
of military insubordination, were every one of them true to their coun- 
try's cause, but were for the time exercising, in this irregular way, their 
rights as freemen to ask a redress of grievances. Says Gen. Wayne, 
their commander, " they were poorly clothed, badly fed, and worse paid ; 
exposed to winter's piercing cold, with no protection but old worn-out 
coats, and but one blanket between three men." They received relief 
for the present, and marched back to their camp, after delivering up to 
their officers the emissaries of the British commander, who had sent 
them to seduce the mutineers from their duties as patriot soldiers. In 
less than a month afterward, influenced by the success of the Pennsyl- 
vanians, the same spirit was manifested among the Jersey troops sta- 
tioned at Pompton ; they, too, for the same reason, mutinied. Now 
there was danger lest insubordination should spread throughout the 
army, and the latter rebellion was put down with some severity. Yet 
there was evidently great dissatisfaction in the army ; the soldiers 
were intelligent and understood for what purpose they were in arms, and 
they had received the impression that Congress wasted much precious 
time in wrangling over questions of minor importance, while some of 
the States had apparently grown indifferent, and failed to furnish sup- 
plies in food and clothing. The soldiers no doubt compared their 
hard lot with the comfort enjoyed by other able-bodied men at their 
well furnished homes. We must bear in mind, however, that Congress 
had not full power to enforce its own decrees, which took more the 
form of urgent advisory resolutions than of laws to be obeyed ; the 
weariness incident to a seven years' war : the utter prostration of com- 
merce and industry, except to provide the necessaries of life, had almost 
paralyzed the energies of the people. It was only the hopeful, the 
intelligent, the persevering, that bore up — meanwhile encouraging their 
desponding neighbors — and performed as best they could their own 
duty, to supply the wants of the soldiers. With this state of feeling in 
the army, we may imagine what would have been the ultimate issue had 
it not been for the cheering prospect of help from France, both in fleet 
and land forces. 

The Positions of Armies — During the summer and autumn of 1781 
the British army held two important positions. The capture of either 
would have a decisive effect upon the contest. One was New York, 
in which was their main force, and from which reinforcements of men, 


ships and war material were sent as required to other points, especially 
to sustain operations in the South ; the other position was that held by 
the army of Cornwallis in Virginia, where rumor said it was preparing" 
to winter. It was possible, under favorable circumstances, to capture 
either of these before aid could come from the other. 

It was thought best to make an attempt on New York, as the French 
army, which had been for nearly eleven months at Newport, was ready 
to move in aid of the enterprise. Preparatory to making the attack, the 
available roads leading to the city were repaired and new ones cut, while 
its fortifications were carefully reconnoitered. Washington's head- 
quarters were at Windsor, a few miles from West Point ; his entire 
force did not amount to five thousand effective men, though he had 
nominally nearly seven thousand. Owing to the defects of the militia 
system then in force, the army had not been increased to the full num- 
ber authorized by Congress, which had resolved to have thirty-seven 
thousand men under arms at the beginning of the year. But the reso- 
lutions of Congress or of the State Legislatures were of little avail in 
rousing the exhausted country. British marauding parties in force were 
continually pillaging the country for miles around the city ; they called 
it foraging. The most effective of these depredators was a band of 
Tories under Col. Delancy, whose place of rendezvous and stronghold 
was in the vicinity of Morrisania, Westchester county. Up the country 
from that place to near Washington's lines, these marauders made the 
whole region almost a desolation, driving from the farms the live 
stock, and carrying off the grain when harvested. These worthies 
were characterized Cow Boys by the inhabitants, because of their 
aptness in seizing the patriots' cattle. 

Plans for a Campaign of the Allies — Word was brought Wash- 
ington that the Count de Barras had arrived at Boston to take command 
of the naval force of the French then at Newport, Rhode Island. De 
Barras also brought intelligence that the Count de Grasse was soon to 
sail with a large armament to the West Indies ; but twelve of his ships 
were to come to Newport, in order to relieve the French squadron 
stationed there, and that these ships were to bring an additional number 
of land forces. This reinforcement was expected to arrive in July or 

Count de Rochambeau received fresh instructions from his own gov- 
ernment, and arrangements were made for an interview between Wash- 
ington and the Count, at Weathersfield, Connecticut, on the 22d May, 


178 1. Many plans were discussed ; among others to send a land force to 
aid Greene in the Carolinas. These troops would be compelled to march 
the entire distance, as the French squadron, which might have carried 
them, was closely blockaded in Newport harbor by a superior British 
fleet. The main objections to this plan were the long march, the diffi- 
culties of transporting war material, and the season of the year being 
summer, the heat of which in that climate was dreaded so much as to 
become an obstruction almost insuperable. 

It was therefore thought best to strike a blow at New York. The 
time seemed propitious, as, owing to the large detachments which had 
from time to time been sent to the South, the garrison was compara- 
tively weak. To capture this stronghold, with its immense amount of 
war material, appeared to Washington and the patriots as most import- 
ant. Here was the British fleet, which had absolute control of the 
harbor and all the waters accessible to it ; its position was central. If 
once taken, the outposts in the South would succumb, and the struggle, 
it was thought, must virtually end. Accordingly, to carry out this 
enterprise, arrangements were made at the council, and soon the 
French troops were on their march from their quarters at Newport, 
delighted to be relieved from the irksome monotony they had experi- 
enced during the preceding eleven months, and with the hope of seeing 
active service. Their march through the country was enlivened by the 
manifestations of welcome made by the inhabitants, who cheered them 
as friends. 

In order to make the capture certain, Washington wrote to the Gov- 
ernors of the New England States and New Jersey, calling upon them to 
render assistance by rilling up their quotas of men. With all these exer- 
tions the American army was not materially increased, and his let- 
ters written at the time show the mortification caused him by this 
deficiency. The only apology was the utter prostration of the country, 
both in respect to its finances and the fewness of the men found 
to enter the army. The Legislatures passed energetic resolutions, and 
so did Congress, but neither had the power to enforce them. Mean- 
while Rochambeau dispatched a vessel to inform De Grasse of the plan 
of operations, and urge his cooperation. 

Robert Morris, the American Financier — The efforts of one 
patriot must here be mentioned. Robert Morris was a successful 
merchant of Philadelphia, and one of the signers of the Declaration of 
Independence. He grasped the idea of furnishing the " sinews of war," 


by conducting the money matters of the government on a specie basis 
(1780). Heretofore the management of the finances had been entrusted 
to a committee of Congress, no two of whom seemed to have had the 
same views on the subject. One man of true education knows more than 
a multitude of the ignorant ; and one common sense and thorough prac- 
tical financier knows more than a regiment of theorists. Morris urged 
Congress to establish a bank as an agent to transact the finances of the 
government. The Bank of North America — our First National bank — 
was chartered for ten years, with a capital of $2,000,000. The fact that 
it was pledged to redeem its notes in coin, inspired confidence in its suc- 
cess. The public at once looked favorably upon the scheme, and those 
who had the means invested in the bank, both as a profitable investment 
and as a patriotic duty. The credit of Congress began at once to revive, 
and finally attained a point never reached before. By this means Morris 
was enabled to pay the soldiers to a certain amount, and furnish supplies 
for the army. He accomplished this by sending as agents discreet men 
to secure in the way of business, all the coin they could obtain, thus keep- 
ing his vaults replenished, and when notes were presented they were 
promptly redeemed. The result was that soon the notes of the bank were 
received for all demands, and the Continental money passed out of use. 
Morris was now of immense service in furnishing provisions for the army 
on the Hudson. 

Demonstrations Against the City of New York — Now began a 
series of reconnoitenngs in the vicinity of the city. New roads were 
cut through the woods and others repaired. It was known that a large 
force of the British was absent foraging in New Jersey, and the oppor- 
tunity was seized to make a sudden and vigorous attack upon New York 
during their absence, and meanwhile fall on Delancy's Tories who were 
stationed at Morrisania. The latter attack was to be made by the French, 
who were to march from Ridgebury, Connecticut, and Washington him- 
self was to throw his troops between the routed Tories and the upper 
end of Manhattan Island, then to pass Harlem River, capture the posts 
or stations near at hand, and work his way down some miles to the north 
side of the city. But soon after the movement began it was ascertained the 
British force had returned from Jersey, and their boats were in the Hud- 
son. To surprise the forts was now out of the question, yet the expedi- 
tion was successful in meeting and attacking a large foraging party of 
fifteen hundred Tories and others which had set out the same morning 
to ravage the lower end of Westchester county. The latter made haste 


to abandon their stronghold and retire over Harlem River to the island, 
where they reported that they had been attacked by a large force. 

These continued demonstrations convinced Sir Henry that an assault 
was imminent, and when the plan to move against Cornwallis was con- 
ceived and the necessary arrangements were making, he would not credit 
the surmises of the British officers stationed nearer the American lines, 
who began to suspect that a movement was about to be made other than 
upon New York. These officers communicated their suspicions to Clin- 
ton, but he seemed to be thoroughly impressed that the apparent change 
of programme on the part of the patriots was purposely designed to mis- 
lead him. One of the most earnest of these officers in persisting that the 
prospective movement would be against Cornwallis and not New York, 
was Von Wurmb, a Hessian officer, stationed at Kingsbridge. But Sir 
Henry was stubbornly predisposed to believe all indications that seemed 
to foreshadow an attack upon his own position. 

The Allied Armies — To secure unity of action, Congress had con- 
ferred full and perfect authority upon Washington in the northern and 
southern departments, and France, for the same reason, had also placed 
her troops under his command. The two armies were now encamped — 
at Dobbs Ferry and on the Greenberg Hills — within striking distance of 
New York, and were waiting for a French fleet to cooperate. Recruits 
were coming in slowly, notwithstanding the urgency of the occasion, yet 
there was no relaxation in reconnoitering and making preparations for 
the grand attack. Count de Rochambeau sent a swift-sailing vessel to 
inform De Grasse, who was in the West Indies or on his way thither, of 
the intended effort to capture the city, and to urge his cooperation with 
his fleet. Meanwhile (Aug. 14) there came a French frigate from him to 
Newport, bearing dispatches, saying that he would sail on the 3d August 
with a fleet of some twenty-five or thirty war vessels, having on board a 
land force — not to New York, but to the Chesapeake. This announce- 
ment necessarily changed the whole programme ; the disappointment 
was very great to Washington and his officers. 

The Overruling Hand — We at this day can see, in the influences 
that led to this disappointment, the hand of an overruling Providence, 
which Washington and the Christian patriots of that day so much 
delighted to recognize. It is very doubtful if the combined forces could 
have captured New York at all. The situation was such that only on 
the north end of Manhattan Island could it be assailed by land forces, 


and if a landing were made at this point, the city was still several miles 
distant, every foot of which was capable of being defended, if not suc- 
cessfully, at least sufficiently to cause a great loss of life to the assailants. 
The Hudson could be patrolled by the British men-of-war, whose cannon 
shot could easily sink the transports used in conveying troops across 
below the Harlem River. The British had also control of the harbor, 
and with the aid of the forts around its shores and on its islands, could 
have repelled the French fleet if it attempted an entrance ; but only the 
smaller vessels could come in, the pilots giving it as their opinion 
that the large men-of-war belonging to the French could not cross the 
bar at Sandy Hook. In addition to this, both the British fleet and the 
garrison had in the latter part of June been strongly reinforced. The 
sacrifice of life on the part of the combined army would certainly have 
been very great, and even if successful, much more than in the capture 
of Cornwallis, while virtually the result in either case would have been 
the same ; the crippling of the British force in the Colonies to such an 
extent as to lead ultimately to the acknowledgment of the independence 
of the United States. Moreover, British military affairs had arrived at 
such a crisis, that the capture of either New York in the North, or of Corn- 
wallis in the South, would have brought about the end of the contest. 
The English people were becoming inclined to give up the conflict, as 
they became more conversant with the true state of the case. We can 
now see how merciful to the Americans was the non-appearance of Count 
de Grasse at New York with his fleet, for had he come the effort to take 
the city would certainly have been made. 

Changed Plan of Campaign of the Allies — The announcement 
that De Grasse was about to sail for the Chesapeake led at once to the 
change of plans ; there was no alternative. The attack must be made on 
Cornwallis, and the army must march nearly four hundred miles to accom- 
plish it. To secure success it must be far on its way before Sir Henry 
Clinton could discover or suspect the object of the march, and to " mis- 
guide and bewilder " him, reconnoissances were ostentatiously made on 
the north of the city towards Kingsbridge, and on the opposite west 
side of the Hudson, as if an attempt was to be made to throw a force 
across that river. The British no doubt learned from spies of the boats 
built at Albany and originally designed for this purpose. These demon- 
strations had the desired effect on Sir Henry. After it was decided to 
march to Virginia, letters were written at Washington's headquarters, as 
if in relation to an impending attack upon the city. These letters were 


purposely sent in such manner as to insure their interception, and when 
brought to Sir Henry they confirmed him more than ever that he was 
to be attacked without delay. Nor did this system of misleading end 
here ; in addition, a space was marked out for a camp, as if for a large 
army in New Jersey opposite Staten Island, and numerous ovens were 
built and fuel provided for baking bread in immense quantities, while 
numbers of row-boats were prepared and kept in sight as if to ferry 
troops across the narrow channel to the island. Spies and Tories were 
unmolested in conveying to the British headquarters accounts of these 

The wisdom of exercising great caution can be seen in the manifold 
difficulties in the way of this long march in the heat of summer from the 
Hudson River to the York. These adverse contingencies were all taken 
into consideration by the Commander-in-chief, and in no instance during 
the war did he display more sagacity than in the plan and execution of 
this movement, and in his complete outgeneraling of Sir Henry Clinton. 
The passage in ships from New York to the lower Chesapeake could be 
completed in a few days, while it took almost as many weeks for an 
army to reach there by land. If Sir Henry, who was proverbial for his 
tardiness, had been prompt, he might have interfered seriously with the 
expedition, even after he was assured that the movement was against 
Cornwallis. He could have sent a large number of ships of war, and 
of men, and perhaps been able to land strong reinforcements at an avail- 
able position. Keeping the secret so carefully required the greatest 
caution ; only one or two of the officers of the higher rank knew the des- 
tination of the allied armies, much less the ordinary soldiers. The armies 
commenced their march on the 19th of August, and in little more than 
a month they came in sight of the British works at Yorktown. 

The March of the Allies — The movement covered by a final 
demonstration against New York, the armies, in two divisions, set out on 
their march toward Yorktown. Not a soldier was aware of their desti- 
nation. When the American division was first put in motion as if to 
march toward Kingsbridge over the Harlem River, they were un- 
expectedly ordered to face about and move north along the east side of 
the Hudson ; the following day they began to cross the river at King's 
Ferry. Meanwhile the French army was moving from the vicinity of 
White Plains toward the same river, heartily cheered by the grateful 
people along their route ; two days later they crossed at Stony Point, 
both armies having with them their artillery and military stores. 


Major-Gen. Heath was placed in command of the army left to watch 
the enemy in New York, to guard the Highland passes, and as far as 
possible to protect the surrounding country from marauders. The two 
armies marched across the Jerseys (east and west as then known); the 
French toward Trenton on the Delaware, and the Americans in the 
same general direction. To facilitate the rapidity of the march, wagons 
in great numbers were obtained from the farmers along the two routes, 
to carry the heavy arms and knapsacks of the soldiers. Both armies 
had reached the Delaware before Sir Henry became aware that a 
march had been stolen upon him ; to what extent he was still uncertain. 

When the Americans found themselves at Philadelphia, they sus- 
pected their destination to be Virginia, and demurred to marching 
south under the broiling sun. They were also dissatisfied with the lack 
of pay, as the want of money debarred them from purchasing many com- 
forts, to do which they had now an opportunity. Providentially John 
Laurens had arrived a month before from France, bringing with him a 
large supply of clothing, of arms and munitions, and what was specially 
needed, about half a million dollars. Robert Morris was at hand, and 
with a portion of the money brought by Laurens, the amount raised by 
himself, and twenty thousand dollars borrowed from De Rochambeau, 
he was enabled to pay the soldiers a portion of the money due them, 
and they promptly moved on in the line of duty. 

The incidents on this hurried march were few. The American 
division was the first to pass through Philadelphia, amid the cheers and 
blessings of the better portion of the inhabitants, who appreciated the 
labors, the privations, the dangers to which these patriotic men were 
exposed. In their appearance the two armies were in striking contrast; 
the one wore coats having little uniformity of style, and showing the 
effects of hard usage in being somewhat shabby. They were preceded 
by the music only of the fife and drum, so common. On the following 
day came the French, who had halted outside the city to burnish their 
arms and carefully brush the dust off their beautiful uniforms of white 
broadcloth with colored facings; they were preceded by a complete 
band of music of many instruments, a novelty to the majority of the 
spectators. They were admired for their orderly bearing and neat 
appearance, and they too were warmly received and cheered as friends 
and allies. 

British Attempts at a Diversion — The combined armies were 
beyond the Delaware (Sept. 2d) before Sir Henry Clinton began 


seriously to suspect their destination. He had heard of movements in 
the Jerseys, but not sufficiently definite, as he thought, to act upon ; at 
first he took for granted they were a mere ruse designed to draw him 
from the city into the open country, where the superior numbers of the 
American and French forces might be made available. The reports of 
their rapid march, entirely across the Jerseys, he still hesitated to credit. 
Evidently in accordance with this theory, he hastened to create a diver- 
sion, which would compel a portion of the armies to be sent back for 
the purpose of defending places in the vicinity of New York. He first 
caused a rumor to be circulated that he intended to make an assault on 
the posts in the Highlands ; of course this was to divert the attention 
of Gen. Heath, who was in command in that region, lest he should send 
assistance to those whom Clinton really designed to attack ; then Arnold 
was sent to ravage a portion of Connecticut. The latter, in order to 
avoid Heath, passed up on the south side of the Sound, and crossing 
over from Long Island suddenly appeared before New London, the 
fortifications of which were very imperfect, and after a heroic defence, 
the main work, fort Griswold, was taken, the town plundered, and many 
outrages committed. At the fort fell Col. Ledyard, the cousin of the 
celebrated American traveler, after he had surrendered his sword, which 
was immediately plunged into his own breast. This was on the 6th Sep- 
tember, and Clinton learned definitely on the 10th that Washington had 
crossed the Delaware. If he really believed at the time of his sending 
Arnold, that the allied armies were on their march to Yorktown, he 
never committed a greater blunder than to suppose detachments would 
be sent back nearly two hundred miles to prevent a raid, which would 
be ended and the marauders out of harm's way long before the force 
thus sent could reach the scene of action. It is evident that when 
Clinton sent Arnold, he thought the movements in Jersey a ruse; in 
this whole matter he seems to have been unaccountably deaf to 

Gen. Washington and Count de Rochambeau hurried on in advance 
of the army, and arrived at Williamsburg on the 14th September, and a 
few days later held a council with De Grasse on board of his ship, the 
Ville de Paris, when arrangements were made to prosecute the siege of 
Yorktown. Meanwhile the combined armies moved on till they arrived 
at the Head of Elk river, now Elkton, about eighteen miles from the 
bay (Sept. 6th). Here were found about eighty vessels of various 
grades sent by Lafayette and De Grasse to transport the soldiers and 
their war material to Virginia, while the horses were sent round by 


land. The transports arrived at the harbor of Jamestown on the 22d. 
A part of the forces were marched by land to Annapolis, where vessels 
were in waiting to take them down the Chesapeake. 

Cornwallis IN THE Toils — Cornwallis was entirely ignorant of the 
toils that were quietly weaving around him ; closing in from the South, 
from the North, and from the ocean. His surprise may be imagined 
when suddenly a powerful fleet of French men-of-war appeared 
in the roads, and when he learned that Lafayette and Steuben were pre- 
pared to cut off his retreat to the Carolinas, while an effective army, 
composed of Americans and French, were on their way floating down 
the Chesapeake. Though realizing that the plans concerted for his 
capture were about to be successful, as became a brave commander 
thrown upon his own resources, he began the more vigorously to fortify 
his position with the determination to resist to the utmost. Sometime 
before he had been so confident of maintaining himself, that he wrote 
Clinton he could spare him twelve hundred men to aid in defending 
New York. 

The French fleet under Count de Barras sailed (Aug. 28) from New- 
port for the Chesapeake to unite with that under De Grasse ; the 
latter expected De Barras and was on the lookout for him, but when 
Clinton learned that this squadron was to sail from Newport, he divined 
its destination was the Chesapeake, perhaps to join another fleet from 
the West Indies, of which rumors had reached him. He immediately 
dispatched Admiral Graves with a naval force to intercept De Barras, 
Graves was surprised to find De Grasse already anchored within the 
Capes, and the latter equally surprised when he saw that the ships in 
the offing composed a British fleet instead of the one he expected. De 
Grasse immediately took measures to decoy the British Admiral away 
from the mouth of the Bay, by putting to sea in order that De Barras 
might have an opportunity to slip in, as he knew from the time the 
latter had probably left Newport that he must arrive shortly. There- 
fore, avoiding a general engagement, De Grasse commenced to skirmish, 
meantime slowly receding from the shore, and the Admiral followed 
so far that De Barras passed in unmolested. This irregular fight lasted 
about five days, most of the time being taken in manceuvering. When 
De Grasse thought De Barras had had time to reach the Bay, he 
returned within the Capes, and there found the latter safely anchored 
(Sept. 10). Graves had been outmanceuvered and completely deceived 
as to the motive of De Grasse — whom he perhaps took for De 


Barras — in not coming- to a close engagement, meanwhile receding- 
from the Capes. He soon, however, learned the result of the strata- 
gem, and was mortified to find both the French fleets within the 
Capes. Their united strength was now much superior to his own. 
The expedition had been a failure, and the Admiral returned to 
New York, giving as a reason, according to Stedman, that he "wished 
to put his ships in harbor before the equinox." In this singular action 
the French lost in killed and wounded two hundred and twenty men ; 
the British ninety killed and two hundred and forty-six wounded, while 
one of their men-of-war was so disabled as to be abandoned and burned. 

When De Grasse first anchored in the Bay, Lafayette sent an officer 
who gave him information in respect to the situation in Virginia, and 
made arrangements for landing troops. The French Admiral at once 
sent a sufficient number of ships of the line and frigates to blockade the 
mouth of the York River, and by means of other war vessels took pos- 
session of the James. When Cornwallis learned of these forces gathering- 
around him, he resolved to cut his way to the Carolinas, but on making- 
the attempt his progress was effectually checked by the foresight of 
Washington. He found himself confronted by a force of three thou- 
sand French troops, who, under the Marquis St. Simon, had already 
passed up the James, and at a point some eight miles in the rear of York- 
town landed on the south side of the river; Wayne had also crossed to 
the same side to unite with the French, and both were ready to inter- 
cept him. He reconnoitered Williamsburg, twelve miles from York- 
town, where Lafayette had taken position, and was surprised to find it 
fortified too strongly to be assaulted without great loss of life. He 
was completely hemmed in ; there was no alternative ; he must 
strengthen his defences as best he could, and meanwhile send expresses 
to Sir Henry Clinton informing him of the situation and to ask for 
aid. The entire British army went to work with determination, and 
labored incessantly to strengthen their somewhat advanced works. 

The hamlet of Yorktown is on the south side of York River ; directly 
opposite is a projection of land known as Gloucester Point. The river 
between these places is about one mile wide, and sufficiently deep to 
float ships of large burdens. Cornwallis took great pains, and his engi- 
neers showed much skill in fortifying Yorktown. On the land side were 
seven redoubts and six batteries ; these were connected by intrench- 
ments ; in addition were lines of batteries along the river bank. The 
town was situated between the mouths of creeks, whose beds were deep 
ravines, and these natural advantages were also skillfully made available. 


Gloucester Point was similarly fortified ; in the river, out of range of 
the French fleet, were stationed British ships of war, while the stream 
below was obstructed by sunken vessels. Only about seven hundred 
men, under Col. Dundas, composed the garrison of the small fort at 
Gloucester Point ; the main force, nearly seven thousand strong, was 
within the fortifications of Yorktown. 

The Investment of York — On the afternoon of September 28, 1781, 
the French and American armies came insight, and encamped about two 
miles from the British lines. They approached cautiously and made no 
attack on the enemy's outposts. In the evening of the same day came 
to Cornwallis an express from Clinton, dated four days before, announc- 
ing: that sufficient naval and land forces would be sent within twelve 
days to relieve him. Induced by this assurance of aid, during the fol- 
lowing night Cornwallis withdrew his troops within the fortifications 
proper of the town, which, from their limited extent, could be more 
effectively manned and defended. The outworks thus abandoned were 
occupied the next morning by the besiegers, and the town was completely 
invested. The Americans were stationed on the right; the French on 
the left — each wing resting on York River — in a semicircle, at the dis- 
tance of more than a mile from the British works. Gloucester Point 
was also invested by the Duke de Lauzun's Legion, aided by marines from 
the French Fleet and by Virginia militia. The whole besieging force 
numbered about twelve thousand men besides the militia, which were 
drawn from Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia. The greater part of 
the French squadron remained down the Bay at Lynn Haven, a conve- 
nient point to intercept aid from the ocean, as it was expected Clinton 
would send to the rescue a fleet from New York. 

A large body of the besiegers during a dark night (Oct. 6), in silence, 
but working with great energy, constructed their first parallel within 
six hundred yards of the enemy's works — this parallel was nearly two 
miles in length. The English were astonished when daylight revealed 
this formidable approach to their defences. The rapid manner in which 
the Americans threw up intrenchments had oftentimes surprised the 
British generals from Bunker Hill onward. The besieged immediately 
opened with artillery upon the men at work, but, being cautious and 
well protected, the latter continued their labor, and within a few days 
placed their guns in position and were ready to open fire upon the 
defences in front of the town. The cannonade began in the afternoon of 
the 9th of October, Gen. Washington himself applying the match to the 


first gun: this was followed >y a general discharge from cannon, mortars 
and howitzers. The balls and shells even readied the vessels in York 
River, and several trans] rts, with the Charon, a forty-four gun ship. 
were burned by exploding shells and red-hot balls thrown by the French 
artillerists. Many of the British guns were dismounted ; the heavy ord- 
nance brought by De Barras told tremendously on their defences. 

Wnen Cornwallis withdrew his men from the outworks, there still 
remained in line two well-manned redoubts in an advanced position of 
three hundred yards; these had withstood the cannonade for four days. 
The British garrison labored unceasinglv during the night to repair 
breaches, and during the day kept up a spirited fire from what guns 
they had. as many had been disabled, and a large number of the men 
had been killed or wounded. 

When the besiegers attempted to throw up a second parallel, three 
hundred yards nearer the enemy's defenses, these redoubts from their 
position were able by a flanking tire ro sweep the line of men when at 
work. It was found necessarv to capture these redoubts: one was 
assigned to be taken bv the French, the other bv the Americans. This 
enterprise was undertaken by both parties in a spirit of generous emu- 
lation. The time chosen was eight o'clock, in the evening of the 14th 
of October ; both detachments were promptly ready for the assault, and 
when the signal — a rocket sent up — was given, they rushed to the 
atta.\<: the Americans under Alexander Hamilton made short work of 
the abattis. and scrambling over the parapet captured their redoubt 
with the bayonet alone, losing nine men killed and thirty-three wounded ; 

French, under the Baron de Viomenil, made their attack in a more 
formal manner, even waiting for the sappers to remove the abauis, and 
when the soldiers' rushed in they found the garrison prepared for them ; 
the struggle, though short and sharp, ended in the capture of the 
redoubt, but at the expense of nearlv one hundred men. Men were at 
once put to work, and before davlight these captured redoubts were 
also included within the line of the second parallel. Guns were 
promptly brought forward, and a tire, heavier than before, was opened 
upon the defences of the besieged. 

Two days later the British commander, wishing to retard the 
approach of his enemv, ordered a sortie to be made. The at:. 
force was nearlv four hundred strong and in two divisions, one under 
Col. Abercrombie and the other under Major Armstrong. The time 
chosen was a little before davbreak, and by a spirited assault they car- 
ried two redoubts in the French position, and hastily spiked eleven can- 


Hon. The supporting troops in the trenches soon rallied, and as day- 
light was approaching drove the assailants back to their own quarters. 
Within twelve hours the spikes were drilled out, and the guns were 
again doing effective service. The besiegers had now nearly one hun- 
dred guns, large and small, to play on the fortifications of the English, 
while the latter could scarcely show a dozen. 

Driven to desperation, but not willing to relax an effort, Cornwallis 
determined to abandon everything, even his sick and wounded, pass 
over to Gloucester, overcome the besiegers of that place, seize their 
horses, and cut his way toward the north. He certainly could not hope 
to reach New York and unite with Clinton, yet such was his horror of 
surrendering that he fain would struggle to the last. Boats were col- 
lected, and one division crossed over before the middle of the night fol- 
lowing the repulse from the redoubts ; the second was about to embark 
when suddenly a storm of wind and rain came on, which drove the boats 
down the river. By the time they were again collected it was too late; 
day was dawning, and an effort must be made to bring back the first 
division, which, when returning, was subjected to a galling fire from the 
besiegers' batteries. 

Cornwallis' command was in a deplorable condition ; scarcely could 
he mount a gun ; his works were shattered under an incessant shower 
of cannon balls and shells ; his force was reduced to less than four thou- 
sand effective men; the remainder were either killed, wounded or sick; 
all hope of aid from Clinton was at an end ; indeed, some days before 
he had written to him in a despairing tone, saying: " I cannot recom- 
mend that the navy and arm)- should run great risk in endeavoring to 
save us." To spare the effusion of blood in case of assault by an over- 
whelming and exultant force, he sent a note to Washington on the 17th 
of October (the anniversary of the surrender of Burgoyne at Sarato^ 
asking an armistice of twenty-four hours, that terms of capitulation 
might be agreed upon. As Clinton might arrive any hour with rein- 
forcements both by sea and land, onlv two hours were given for his 
Lordship to put his proposals in writing. These when presented were 
not found to be satisfactory. Afterward Washington transmitted the 
terms on which he would accept the surrender. 

The Capitulation and Surrender. — The Commissioners on the 
part of the allied forces to conduct the negotiations were Col. John Lau- 
rens and the Viscount de Noailles, and on the part of the British. Major 
Ross and Col. Dundas. The terms of capitulation were as follows : York- 


town and Gloucester Point, with their garrisons and all their war 
material, to be surrendered to Gen. Washington, as Commander-in- 
Chief of the combined army, and the ships of war and other vessels, 
with the transports, to Count de Grasse — the land forces were to be 
prisoners to Congress, and the seamen to France. The officers of the 
higher rank were dismissed on their parole, and permitted to go to 
Europe, or to any port in possession of British troops. The private 
property of both officers and men was to be respected. One sloop-of- 
war, the Bonetta, was allowed to depart unchallenged, with such 
persons on board as Lord Cornwallis designated. This was designed 
to give the most obnoxious tories an opportunity to leave the country. 
The same expedient haa Deen adopted when Boston was evacuated — 
a ship, unchallenged, sailed for Halifax, in which many tories took 
passage ; hence the almost forgotten proverb, " Gone to Halifax." 
The Bonetta was to return, and, with her crew and armament, given 
up. The traders within the lines were not counted as prisoners; they 
were granted a certain length of time to arrange their affairs and leave. 
During the occupation of Virginia an immense amount of private 
property had been taken from the inhabitants by British soldiers or 
their marauding expeditions ; this could be reclaimed by its owners. 

The terms of capitulation were arranged and signed by eleven on 
the morning of the 19th October ; the British army was to march out 
at two o'clock the same day and lay down their arms. In the presence 
of quiet, but rejoicing, thousands who had flocked from the region 
round about, and of the allied armies, numbering sixteen thousand 
men, drawn up in becoming silence as for a review, the garrison of 
York marched to the place designated, and there laid down their arms. 
Lord Cornwallis, on the plea of indisposition — whether physical or 
moral is not definitely known — declined to be present, but sent Gen. 
O'Hara as his deputy to make the surrender. At Charleston, when 
Gen. Lincoln capitulated, the Americans were not permitted to march 
out with their colors flying, as had been granted to Burgoyne, but with 
colors cased. It was thought proper, therefore, on this occasion to 
deny the courtesy granted at Saratoga, and the British soldiers were 
directed to march out with their colors cased ; and Gen. Lincoln was 
deputed by Washington to receive the sword of Cornwallis. The 
garrison of Gloucester was surrendered with similar formality. 

Yorktown was now a name to be honored, even beyond those of 
Bunker Hill and Saratoga. How much was involved in that surrender! 
The long struggle was virtually ended. It had- been a contest, not for 


power, not for aggrandizement, but for the establishment of a great prin- 
ciple. Said Lafayette to Napoleon, when he sneered at the smallness of 
the armies engaged in the American Revolution: " It was the grandest 
of causes, won by the skirmishes of sentinels and outposts." It is true, 
the number who fell on the battle-fields of this war was comparatively 
small. The names of but few of these have come down to us; they 
were written only on the hearts of friends and relatives who mourned 
their loss. Scarcely was there a family but had a precious record ; the 
cherished memory of some one who had thus sacrified his life. 

Rejoicing and Thanksgiving. — The morning following the sur- 
render, Washington, in General Orders, congratulated the combined 
armies on the success their bravery achieved. He added: "Divine 
service will be performed to-morrow in the several brigades and divis- 
ions/' and recommended that the soldiers should attend, " with that 
seriousness of deportment and gratitude of heart which the recogni- 
tion of such reiterated and astonishing interpositions of Providence 
demand of us." Such was the tone of feeling that pervaded the 
whole land ; it burst forth from the household, from the pulpit, 
from the press. When Congress received the news, it proceeded in 
a body to a church, and there publicly offered thanks to Almighty God 
11 for the special favor He had manifested to their struggling country." 
They also appointed a day of National Thanksgiving and prayer, " in 
acknowledgment of the signal interposition of Divine Providence." 

The Congress voted thanks to Washington and to Counts de Rocham- 
beau and to de Grasse and the officers and soldiers of both armies. It 
likewise passed resolutions to erect a monumental column at Yorktown 
in commemoration of the union of the American and French armies, 
and of the victory they had achieved. On the day of the surrender 
the tardy Sir Henry Clinton left Sandy Hook. Arriving at the Capes 
on the 24th October, he learned of the result, and found a French fleet 
far outnumbering his own. After lingering four days off the Capes, as 
nothing could now be done for the royal cause in Virginia, he returned 
to New York. 

Washington was anxious to prosecute the war in the South vigor- 
ously and at once ; especially to capture the two most important places 
held by the British, Charleston and Savannah. To accomplish this, it 
was necessary to have the cooperation of the French fleet, but Count 
de Grasse declined to assist, pleading as a reason the orders of the 
French Government, and that his presence with the fleet was essential 


in the West Indies. Had this cooperation been attained, no doubt the 
enemy would have been forced to surrender those strongholds ; instead, 
Washington could only send a detachment of two thousand Conti- 
nentals or regulars to reinforce Gen. Greene. 

A portion of the French troops, those under the Marquis St. Simon, 
embarked for home, while with the remainder De Rochambeau went 
into winter quarters at Williamsburg, in a central position, that, if 
need be, he could cooperate with Gen. Greene in the South or with the 
army on the Hudson. Meanwhile the British prisoners, under escort, 
were sent inland by regiments to Winchester in Virginia, to Frederick 
in Maryland, and to Lancaster in Pennsylvania. They were supplied, 
in respect to rations and comforts, in the same manner as the American 

Washington returned north, lingering for some weeks in Phila- 
delphia to concert measures with the committees of Congress relative 
to the affairs of the army, and for the energetic prosecution of the next 
campaign. Meanwhile the victorious patriots moved on to their old 
quarters in Jersey and on the Hudson. 



| THAT on the i?th of O&ober, 1781, Lieutenant-General Earl £? 
I CORNWALLIS, with above Five thoufand Britifh Troops, fur- | 
f rendered themfelves Prifoners of War to His Excellency Gen. GEORGE | 

$ WASHINGTON, Commander in Chief of the allied Forces of § 

I . £ 

France and America. $ 



I ^ ^ ^_^ 




(Printed at Fishkill, Nov. i, 1781) 



27TH September 1781 

Arranged by Asa Bird Gardner 

His Excellency General George Washington, Commander-in-Chief 

Right Wing (first line) 

American forces 

Left Wing (first line) 
French Auxiliary Forces 

Right Wing (American) 
Major General Benjamin Lincoln, U. S. A., of Massachusetts, Commanding 

First or Right Division (right wing) 

Major General the Marquis de Lafayette, U. S. A., Commanding 

Advance Guard 

1. Pennsylvania Volunteer Battalion Riflemen, Major Wm. Parr of Ta., Commanding 

2. 4th Regiment Continental Light Dragoons, Colonel Stephen Moylan of Penn. 

Second or Left Brigade (1st Division ) First or Right Brigade ( 1 st Division ) 

Colonel Moses Hazen, Canadian Regiment, 
Continental Infantry, Commanding Brigade, 

Regiment of Light Infantry, composed of the 
Light Infantry Companies of the 1st and 2d 
New Hampshire Continental Infantry, of the 
Canadian Regiment, and 1st and 2d New 
Jersey Continental Infantry, under Colonel 
Alexander Scammell, 1st New Hampshire 
Continental Infantry, and Major Nathan 
Rice, A. D. C, of Mass. 

2d Battalion of Light Infantry (4 Companies) 
composed of the Light Companies 1st and 2d 
New York Continental Infantry, and 2 Com- 
panies of New York Levies, under Lieut. 
Colonel Alexander Hamilton, of New 
York, and Major Nicholas Fish, 2d New 
York Continental Infantry. 

3d Canadian Continental Regiment, Infantry, 
Lieut. Colonel Edward Antill, Command- 


Brig. General John Peter Gabriel Muhlen- 
berg. U. S. A., of Pennsylvania, Commanding 
Brigade, viz.: 

Regiment of Light Infantry (8 Companies) com- 
posed of the Light Infantry Companies of the 
1st, 2d, 3d, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th and 8th Regi- 
ments, Massachusetts Continental Infantry, 
under Colonel Joseph Vose, 1st Massachu- 
setts, and Major Galvan, unattached. 

Regiment of Light Infantry (8 Companies) com- 
posed of the Light Infantry, Companies of 
the 9th and 10th Massachusetts Continental 
Infantry, 1st, 2d, 3d, 4th and 5th Regiments, 
Connecticut Continental Infantry, and Rhode 
Island Regiment, Continental Infantry under 
Lieut. Colonel J. Gimat, A. D. C, and 
Major John Palsgrave Wyllis, 3d Con- 

Second or Center Division (right wing) 
Major General Baron de Steuben, Inspector General U. S. A., Commanding 

2d or Left Brigade (2d Division) 


Brig. General Anthony Wayne, U. S. A. 
Pennsylvania, Commanding, viz.: 

1st Regiment Pennsylvania Continental Infantry, 
composed of 1st and 2d Regiments consoli- 
dated. Colonel Daniel Brodhead, Com- 

2d Regiment Pennsylvania Continental Infantry, 
composed of 3d and 5th Regiments consolida- 
ted. Colonel Richard Butler, Commanding. 

3d Regiment Pennsylvania Continental Infantry, 
composed of the 4th and 6th Regiments con- 
solidated. Lieut. Colonel Wm. Butler, 

1st Virginia Continental Infantry, Lieut. Thos. 
Gaskins, 3d Virginia Continental Infantry, 

1 st or Right Brigade (2d Division) 

Brig. General Mordecai Gist, U. S. A., of 
Maryland, Commanding, viz.: 

3d Maryland Continental Infantry, Lieut. Col- 
onel Peter Adams, Commanding. 

4th Maryland Continental Infantry, Lieut. Col- 
onel Thomas Woolford, Commanding. 

5th Maryland Continental Infantry, Major 
Alexander Roxburgh, Commanding. 

Baltimore Light Dragoons, Colonel Nicholas 
Ruxton Moore. 

Frederick Light Dragoons, . 

Third or Left Division {right wing) 
Brigadier General James Clinton, U. S. A., of New York, Commanding 

2d or Left Brigade ($d Division) 

Colonel Elias Dayton, 2d New Jersey Conti- 
nental Infantry, Commanding, viz.: 

1st Regiment New Jersey Continental Infantry, 
Colonel Matthias Ogden, Commanding. 

2d Regiment New Jersey Continental Infantry, 
Lieut. Colonel Francis Barber, Command- 

Rhode Island Regiment Continental Infantry, 
Lieut. Colonel Comd't Jeremiah Olney, 

1 st or Right Brigade {3d Division) 

Colonel Goose Van Schaick, 1st Regiment 
New York Continental Infantry, Command- 
ing, viz : 

1st Regiment New York Continental Infantry, 
Lieut. Colonel Cornelius Van Dyck, Com- 

2d Regiment New York Continental Infantry, 
Colonel Philip Van Cortlandt, Com- 

Left Wing {French) 

Lieut. General Count de Rochambeau, Commanding 

The precise disposition of these French troops is not known. The composition of the army of 
Rochambeau will be found on the next page. 


1st Virginia State Regiment 
Infantry in Continental Ser- 
vice, Colonel George Gib- 
son, Commanding. 

Intermediate Line 


Brig. General Chevalier le 
Begue du Portail, Chief of 
Engineers, U. S. A., Com- 

Battalion of Sappers and Min- 


Brig. General Henry Knox, 
U. S. A., of the Artillery, 
Commanding Park of Artil- 
lery, viz. : 

2d Regiment Continental Corps 
of Artillery, Colonel John 
Lamb, of New York, Com- 
manding, Lieut. Colonel Eb- 
enezer Stevens, Major Se- 
bastian Bauman. 

To this regiment was attached 
temporarily Lieut. Colonel 
Edward Carrington, of 
Virginia Artillery. 

Reserve or Second Line 

His Excellency, Thomas Nelson, Governor of Virginia (ranking as Major General U. S. A.), 
Commanding Division Virginia Militia 

Left Brigade 

Brigadier General Edward Stevens, Virginia 
Militia (formerly Colonel 10th Virginia Con- 
tinentals), Commanding Brigade Virginia 

Right Brigade 

Brigadier General Robert Lawson, Virginia 
Militia (formerly Colonel 4th Virginia Conti- 
nentals), Commanding Brigade Virginia Mi- 

Rear Guard 

Major James R. Reid, Canadian Continental Regiment Infantry, Commanding Rear Guard and 

Camp Guard 


Arranged from original authorities 

Count dk Rochambeau, Lieutenant-General, Commanding 

General Officers — Baron de Yiomenil, Chevalier de Chastellux, Marquis de Saint-Simon, Cheva- 
lier de Viomenil, Man'chaux-de-Camp ; M. de Choisy, Brigadier; M. de Beville, Quarter- 
master-General; M. Blanchard, Commissary-General. 

Aides-de-Camp to Count DE Rochambeau — First Aid, Count de Fersen, Second Lieutenant ; 
Chevalier de Lameth (Charles), Colonel ; Count de Damas, Colonel ; Count de Dumas, Colonel; 
Baron de Closen, Captain ; M. de Lauberdiere, Captain ; Baron Cromot-du-bourg, Chevalier 
de Beville, Captain. To Baron de Viomenil — Chevalier d'Olonne, Second Lieutenant ; 
Marquis de Vauban ; To Chevalier de Chastellux — M. de Montesquieu. 

General Staff — Aides Major-General — M. de Menonville, Lieut. -Colonel ; M. de Tarle, Lieut. 
Colonel; M. de Bouchet, Captain; Aide-Major of Infantry — M. Lynch, Captain; Aide- 
Major — M. de St. Felix, Captain; Aide-Major of Artillery — Chevalier de Plessis- 

Mauduit, C apitaine-en- Second ; Quartermaster-General's Aids — M. Collot, ; M. 

M. de Beville (Junior), Captain; Count de Chabannes ; Chevalier de Lameth (Alexandre), 
Captain; Topographical Engineers — Alexander de Berthier, Captain; Captain of the 
Guides — M. Mullens, Lieutenant. 

Field Officers of Rochambeau's Army 

Regiment Bourbonnais — Marquis de Laval-Montmorenci, Colonel ; Vicomte de Rochambeau, 
Colonel-en- Second ; M. de Bressolles, Lieut. - Colonel ; M. de Gambs, Major. 

Regiment Soissonnais — Count de Saint Maime, Colonel; Vicomte de Noailles, Colonel-cn-Second ; 
M. d'Anselme, Lieut. -Colonel ; M. Despeyron, Major. 

Regiment Royal Deux-Ponts — Marquis Christian des Deux-Ponts, Comte de Forbach, Colonel; 
Count Guillaume des Deux-Ponts, Colonel-en- Second ; Count de Fersen, Mestre-de-Camp 

REGIMENT SAINTONGE — Count de Custine, Colo?iel ; Count de Charlus, Colonel-en- Second ; Cheva- 
lier de la Vallette, Li eut. -Colonel ; de Fleury, Alajor. 

LAUZUN'S LEGION — Duke de Lauzun, Brigadier Commanding ; M. Scheldon. Mestre-de-Camp of 

Regiment Dillon — Count Arthur de Dillon, Colonel; Barthelemy Dillon, Lieut.-Colonel; Jacques 

Field Officers of Marquis de Saint-Simon's Army 

Regiment Touraine — Vicomte de Pondeux, Colonel ; M. de Montlezun, Lieut.-Colonel; M. de 
Menonville, Major ; Count de Flechin, Chevalier de Mirabeau (brother of the famous Tribune), 

Mestres-de- Camp. 
Regiment AGENOIS — Count d'Audichamp, Colonel ; Chevalier de Cadinau, Lieut .-Colonel ' ; M. de 
Beauregard, Major. 

Regiment Gatinois (Royal Auvergne)— Marquis de Rostaing, Colonel ; Vicomte de Bethisy. 
Colonel-en- Second ; M. de l'Estrade, Lieut.-Colonel ; M. Chapuy de Tourville, Major. 

Royal Engineers— M. de Querenet, Colonel ; Cantel Danetville, Major. 

Artillery (Regiment Auxonne), M. de Buzelet. 



In 1879 my attention was first directed to the Williamsburg Head- 
quarters of General Washington by the editor of a Richmond paper, 
who had been applied to for information on the subject. Previously I 
had never thought that such a building still existed in the ancient 
capital of Virginia. But now, spurred on by the k)ve of antiquarian 
research and no small amount of curiosity, I visited all the human 
landmarks of the place to gather up all traditional stories relating to 
Washington's sojourn in this part of the world. All of these legends 
seemed to point in one direction, and the building designated, to be 
the most appropriate, and, indeed, the proper place for the illustrious 
general to make his headquarters. 

Washington was married in 1759 to Martha Dandridge Custis, who 
resided at Williamsburg in the mansion of her former husband. The 
dwelling-house of this establishment has long since been destroyed, and 
the only relic of its existence is a small brick out-house, which is sup- 
posed to have been the kitchen. There are also some noble cedar and 
holly trees, with the remains of others, that form three sides of an 
oblong rectangle, within which the mansion once stood. Without the 
assistance of these venerable trees, the position of the old Custis home 
could not be approximated as it now is. Its foundation is very ration- 
ally supposed to have been about the centre of the space surrounded 
by the evergreen walls, and facing the west, as that side of the close is 
left open. Another landmark that indicates more nearly the position of 
the mansion is a handsome yew tree, declared by tradition to have been 
planted by the hand of Martha Washington, just in front of her home. 
As to this, 

" I cannot tell how the truth may be, 
I say the tale as 'twas said to me." 

But at all events the yew tree still exists, and it is a pleasure to give 
credit to traditions such as these. The plot of ground connected form- 
erly with this colonial residence is popularly known as the Six 
Chimney Lot, from which name it is inferred that the establishment 
could boast of that number of chimneys, from which the blue 
smoke curled and beckoned to the approaching guest in the hospit- 



able old Virginia fashion. This lot is now included in the grounds 
of the Eastern Lunatic Asylum, but has not entirely lost its individu- 
ality. The cedar and holly trees still stand guard where they stood 
a century ago, and the yew weeps beside the grave of forgotten 

With all the traditional stories centering about this mansion, and all 
the known facts relating to it, I felt no hesitation in stating that it had 
been held as headquarters by General Washington for a few days dur- 
ing the last year of the Revolution. Indeed, the floor of a room, now 
forming a portion of the asylum, gashed and chopped by an axe, was 
said to have been defaced at that period when fuel was prepared in it 
for the use of the General. But tradition is not always in the right, 
and in this instance it is far in the wrong. By the merest accident the 
matter was conclusively settled. In an old letter, written in 1781 by 
Judge St. George Tucker of Virginia, who was in Williamsburg at the 
time, it is casually stated that Washington had his headquarters in 
Chancellor Wythe's house, which is in an entirely different portion of 
the town. This statement instantly dissipated the testimony of the 
legends. About the mansion now designated are clustered as many 
pleasant and interesting associations as cling to the spot whereon the 
Custis home once stood. 

The stately colonial mansion known as the Wythe house is a 
large two story brick building, fronting upon a long, narrow common, 
called the Palace Green. Here in the day of George Wythe coroneted 
coaches and proud retinues swept by daily, for at the far end of 
the green stood the palace of the colonial governors of Virginia, 
approached by a double row of handsome catalpa trees, extending the 
whole length of the green — from the Duke of Gloucester street to the 
palace gates. In this gubernatorial mansion Alexander Spotswood — 
the Knight of the Golden Horse-shoe, Norborne Berkeley — Baron de 
Botetourt, Earl Dunmore — the last of the colonial governors, and a 
host of others held their court; and here the aristocracy of the whole 
State assembled in lordly levies, in imitation of the Court of St. James. 
A more brilliant society America has never known ; and about no place 
in this new land of ours do such associations hover as about this antique 
village, once the home of so much pride, so much wealth, and so much 

There is some dispute as to whether the Wythe house was erected 
by the man whose name it bears, or whether it was already built when 
Williamsburg became his home. To judge from its massive, square- 


built form and its old English bricks — alternately glazed and dull — it 
belongs to an earlier date than the advent of George Wythe into the 
Virginia House of Burgesses. Let its founder be who he may, enough 
of interest already attaches to his dwelling. 

There is nothing about this building to attract the attention save its 
solid walls and dignified appearance. There is no attempt at ornamen- 
tation — only durable simplicity, which amounts to refinement, and which 
characterizes the generality of its contemporaries. Within, it is in strict 
keeping with its exterior ; the same dignified simplicity and the same 
unostentatious gentility. On swinging back an oaken door, a broad and 
lofty hall is entered, which extends to the rear of the building. On 
either side of the entrance are large oaken doors, deep set in the niches, 
which reveal the unusual thickness of the walls ; but besides this char- 
acteristic massiveness, there is nothing peculiar about the building, 
except the irregular positions of the doors and windows. However, it 
is not the peculiar taste of the architect or of the original owner, but 
the associations, and the men who have been connected with it, that 
draw attention to the Wythe house. 

The history of the early years of George Wythe, during which his 
brilliant intellect was clouded and obscured by dissipation and reck- 
lessness, is well known, and to dwell upon and revert to it is neither 
charitable nor pleasant; but the story of his after life, when he man- 
fully threw off his dissolute habits, though equally well known, is 
worthy of frequent perusal. He unearthed his buried talent and freed it 
from all rust corrosion, until at the end of four-score years he could say, 
" Lord, thou deliveredst unto me five talents : behold, I have gained 
beside them five talents more." Examples of such wonderful self-con- 
trol and determination are not numerous, and are, therefore, to be kept 
in mind. At the age of thirty he entered upon the study of his pro- 
fession, but on being admitted to the bar of his native State, which was 
at that time thronged with men of distinguished ability in the science of 
law, he soon asserted the supremacy of his mind over that of his fellow 
men. A few years afterwards he was appointed to a seat in the Vir- 
ginia House of Burgesses, and in 1764 he prepared a remonstrance to 
the House of Commons on the subject of the Stamp Act. This remon- 
strance was, indeed, so strong a remonstrance that it made even the 
staunchest advocates of liberty tremble a little. In 1775 he was sent as 
a delegate to the Continental Congress, and in the next year he sub- 
scribed his name to the Declaration of Independence. Two years later, 
having been made a Judge of the High Court of Chancery of Virginia, 


he was appointed sole Chancellor, an office which he filled for twenty 
years. He was also for a long time professor oi law in William and 
Mary College, and numbered among his pupils Thomas Jefferson, and a 
number of less distinguished men. It was the home of this man that 
Washington made his headquarters during his stay in Williamsburg in 
September, 1781. This newly discovered fact redoubles the interest 
already felt in this stately old pile. 

Since the day of Washington and Wythe, the home of the latter has 
passed through various hands. For many years it was the abode of 
John Page, a Governor of Virginia, and afterward of his widow. Some 
time later it became the residence of Dr. John Millington, who was — so 
his tombstone declares — " the worthy friend and associate of men like 
Sir H. Davy, Brewster, Faraday, Hershall and Lord Brougham." This 
man was born in London in 1779. There he became engineer for Lon- 
don and Middlesex, was professor at Guy's Hospital, the Royal Institute 
and London University. He was also Vice-President of Mechanics' 
Institute and of the Royal Astronomical Society. After this we find 
him on this side of the Atlantic as chief engineer of silver mines and 
superintendent of a mint in Mexico. In 1836 he became professor of 
chemistry and natural philosophy at William and Mary College. He 
was, also, at one time, State Geologist of Mississippi, and professor of 
chemistry and geology at the University of the same State. With these 
exceptions, the Wythe house has not been the home of men known in 
any degree to fame ; but it has been the residence of people of high 
social standing, among whom are those of a name (Harrison) and race 
that have furnished to the United States a signer of the Declaration of 
Independence and a President. 

Among the associations of the past, connected with this old mansion, 
is one that must not be forgotten. It is a certain titled dame (a Lady 
Skipwith), who, decked in brocaded silk and high-heeled slippers, 
nightly rustles through the spacious halls. 

The English Earl whose story is so closely interwoven with that of 
Washington, was in Williamsburg several days before his retreat 
toward Yorktown. That he had quarters in this place was generally 
conceded, but where those quarters were was unknown until the build- 
ing was designated by the same series of letters that pointed out the 
Washington headquarters. Cornwallis and his army entered the town 
from the west, at which end is situated William and Mary College, the 
oldest institution of learning in this country, with the exception of 
Harvard. This establishment comprised three buildings, the College 


proper, in which were lodged the professors and students, the Presi- 
dent's House, and the Brafferton, or Indian school, called after an 
estate of the Hon. Robert Boyle, a son of the Earl of Cork, from which 
it was endowed. During the Revolution this institution, and all prop- 
erty belonging to it, was strenuously guarded by the British against 
destruction, as its origin was so thoroughly English, and it had par- 
tially remained faithful to the mother country. Bearing the names of 
its royal founders, constantly the recipient of gifts from the English 
nobility and gentry, having for its chancellors — until the outbreak of 
the Revolution — the Bishops of London, the college was, indeed, the 
offspring and pet child of the English aristocracy ; and as such it 
demanded and received the consideration and protection of the British 
commander. When Cornwallis entered Williamsburg with an army 
ripe in the art of devastation, he naturally experienced some concern 
for the fate of the college, and, as a means of insuring its preservation, he 
made the President's house his headquarters. In so doing he ejected 
Bishop Madison, then the President, and his wife, who were forced to 
seek protection in the main building of the college. Although this 
step of Cornwallis was very discomforting to the Bishop, it was of the 
utmost importance to the college. We may naturally feel a little indig- 
nant that the first Bishop of Virginia should have been expelled from 
his home, but we owe a debt of gratitude to the English Earl for pre- 
serving to us the alma mater of so many distinguished men. Poor old 
college ! twice accidentally and once ruthlessly destroyed, may thy 
future be as brilliant as thy past. 

Bishop Madison espoused the American side of the quarrel ; but, 
during the revolution, one of the professors remained a staunch 
retainer of his most gracious majesty, King George III., and as such 
was subjected to numerous indignities. On one occasion, when this 
professor was leaving the hall where students and masters dined 
together, a patriotic usher (James Inness, afterward Attorney-General 
of Virginia), with republican irreverence, slung a pewter plate at his 
head, but, fortunately for the sake of the worthy gentleman, the missile 
curved in its course and missed its mark. This professor soon after quit 
the college, and returned to his native land, breathing anathemas against 
the country of " rebellious Americans and disorderly collegians." 

After the two great contestants in the last struggle of the Revolution, 
Lafayette is the most interesting actor, and everything with which he 
was connected attracts much attention. Although Judge Tucker, who 
has pointed out to us, through the medium of his letters, the head- 



quarters of Cornwallis and Washington in Williamsburg, gives a minute 
description of the personal appearance of the Marquis, and mentions 
him frequently, he fails to state where he had his headquarters in this 
colonial city. This is much to be regretted. The same chronicler states 
the house where Rochambeau was stationed, but the building cannot be 
identified, as its owner is mentioned under a nick-name. This renders 
the matter almost hopeless. However, as we have discovered the 
quarters of the two leading generals by the merest accident, we may yet 
hope to be enlightened as to those of the minor, though not less inter- 
esting, actors in the Revolutionary drama. 


Cornwallis' Headquarters— Williamsburg, Virginia 



John Eager Howard was born June 4th, 1752, at The Forest, in 
Baltimore County, Maryland, a tract of land granted by the Crown in 
1699 to his grandfather, Joshua Howard, the first of the family who 
settled in America. A family record in Colonel Howard's handwriting, 
and signed by himself — found in his desk after his death — states that 
Joshua Howard left his father's house, near Manchester, England,, 
"when very young," without permission, and joined the army of the 
Duke of York, during Monmouth's rebellion ; and after the suppression 
of that rebellion emigrated to America, "rather than return home" 
to face his father's displeasure. He married in this country Miss 
O'Carroll, whose father emigrated from Ireland ; but although there 
were several sons by this marriage, none have left male descend- 
ants but the third son, Cornelius, father of John Eager Howard, who 
married Ruth Eager, grand-daughter and heiress of George Eager, of 

This Mr. Cornelius Howard is mentioned in McSherry's History of 
Maryland as having made a survey of the town of Baltimore, and 
as dying in 1777 "at his country-seat in Baltimore county." The quaint 
epitaph upon his tombstone, engraved under the escutcheon of Arundel, 
from which this family therefore claims its descent, records that "he 
was a Tobacco Planter," and that he " lived esteemed and died regretted 
by all that knew him." The lion of the crest upon this old tomb differs 
from that upon the English arms, in having the head turned towards 
the west, and also as displaying a crescent upon its shoulder. 

John Eager Howard was the only one of the sons of Cornelius 
Howard who married and. left descendants. He was a man of few 
words, and especially reserved with his children, to whom he seldom 
spoke of his family or descent ; but to his son George (who became 
Governor of Maryland) he once declared that none of the other families 
of the name of Howard, in Maryland, were related to his own. That 
he had some pride of descent may, however, be inferred from the fact 
that a framed coat of arms, painted upon copper, and inscribed, 
" Howard, Earl of Arundel," hung over the desk in his private office in 
the mansion he erected soon after the Revolution, upon his beautiful 


estate of Belvidere, an estate which became, through its proximity to 
the rapidly growing town of Baltimore, the foundation of a large for- 
tune to himself and his heirs. 

From the easy circumstances of his parents, John Eager Howard 
was bred to no profession. He adopted that of a military life, when 
the Colonies broke out in open resistance to British rule. Flying 
Camps of militia were formed in Maryland, in one of which he accepted 
a post of Captain, under Colonel I. Carvil Hall; a commission depend- 
ent upon his ability to recruit thirty men. He raised his company and 
joined the army in time to take part in the battle of White Plains, and 
continued to serve till the militia was disbanded, to be replaced by the 
regular troops which Congress required of each State to furnish. 
Captain Howard was appointed Major in one of the seven Maryland 
regiments, under his first commander, Colonel Hall. Two years after 
he was promoted to the Lieutenant-Colonelcy of the Fifth, then trans- 
ferred to the Sixth, and finally, after the battle of Hobkirk's Hill, he suc- 
ceeded to the command of the Second. 

At the battle of Germantown, while Major in the fourth Maryland 
Infantry, he showed the cool and determined courage for which he 
later became so famous, that the name of Howard in his native State is 
almost synonymous with that of inflexible courage. Colonel Hall was 
disabled early in the engagement, and Lieutenant-Colonel Samuel 
Smith having been detached to Fort Mifflin, the command of the 
regiment devolved upon Major Howard. Engaging the British Light 
infantry in advance of their main body, Major Howard is related to 
have " pursued them through their encampment, passing with his 

regiment amidst their standing tents and advanced about 

a quarter of a mile further towards the main body of the British army, 
where they maintained their position " until the unsuccessful attack 
upon Chew's house caused a retreat," they having passed Chew's house 
4i without serious injury from the fire of the British troops then occupy- 
ing it." When the gallant Marylanders repassed this ''temporary 
fortress, the garrison sallied out and attacked the retiring foe, but a 
return of the fire killed the officer who commanded the party, and no 
further molestation ensued." 

Soon after the close of the war, Colonel Howard met Miss Margaret 
Chew, eldest daughter of Chief Justice Benjamin Chew, owner of 
Chew's House, and married her; after his marriage the ground was 
pointed out to him, by the family and neighbors, where Musgrave 
encamped before the battle, upon which he formed the opinion that 


Musgrave's retreat into the house was an arranged plan in case of 
attack, and not a sudden resolution of military genius. He did not 
believe Musgrave to have been with the Light Infantry which was 
defeated. In Colonel Howard's own account of the battle, he men- 
tions the fog at the time (the regiment being then halted) as so dense 
that they could not see the British army formed in the lane, directly 
in their front, six or seven hundred yards distant. General Charles 
Cotes worth Pinckney, of South Carolina, is said to have described the 
fog as follows : " The only way we knew of the enemy's being drawn up- 
in opposition to us was by their fire and whistling of their balls, and 
it was some time after they retreated before we knew of it, and that only 
by our not hearing the whistling of their balls, and seeing no flashes in 
our front." As Muhlenberg's and Scott's brigades passed Chew's house 
on the east, while the Marylanders were passing it on the west, it is 
probable that this fog was as instrumental as the famous delay of the 
futile effort to dislodge the British from Chew's house, in changing the 
American victory into a defeat. The brave Virginia regiment had pen- 
etrated the British lines until it was assailed in front and upon each 
flank ; and, although Mathews surrendered, nine bayonet wounds were 
evidence of his gallant struggle. 

Colonel Howard took part in the battle of Monmouth, in 1778, and 
remained with the army until the Maryland and Delaware troops were 
sent, in April, 1780, to the relief of the city of Charleston, South Caro- 
lina, then besieged by the British General Clinton. Before going 
South, Colonel Howard stopped in Baltimore to arrange his affairs r 
because, as he afterwards said, "our march to the southward seemed 
to be a forlorn hope, and my return very uncertain." He sold some 
property and left fifty half joes in the hands of a friend, in case of 
his being taken prisoner. He also offered his property in the vicinity of 
Baltimore, called Lunn's lot, for sale, at the modest sum of 500 rix: 
dollars. Fortunately for him and for his heirs the offer was not accepted. 
Lunn's lot is now covered by the streets and buildings of the city of 
Baltimore, and its value is counted by millions instead of hundreds. 

It was during the Southern campaign that Colonel Howard achieved 
his renown. When the disgraceful rout of the militia at the battle of 
Camden left the two Maryland brigades under Baron de Kalb to sustain 
the whole onset of the British army, " aided by a very few other gallant 
corps," the front brigade, in which Colonel Howard was, made a par- 
tially successful attempt to use the bayonet. He drove the corps in 
front of him out of line, and if the left wing of the American army had 


been able to occupy the attention of the British right, the fate of the 
day would have been probably propitious. But, attacked in front and 
flank, the continental troops were overpowered and driven into the 
swamps, hitherto considered impenetrable. Colonel Howard succeeded 
in keeping a few of his men together, and being joined occasionally by 
other officers and men, reached Charlotte, about sixty miles off, three 
days after the battle. When asked what he and his men found to eat 
during those three days, he answered briefly, " some peaches." 

In the following January the battle of Cowpens was fought ; a 
glorious victory, to which Colonel Howard contributed so signally as to 
obtain for him the honorable title of " the hero of Cowpens." Colonel 
Howard's proverbially retentive memory and accuracy of statement 
deprive General Morgan of some of the laurels accredited to him in 
Johnson's Life of Greene. His account of his own part in the victory 
of Cowpens is this : 

" Seeing my right flank was exposed to the enemy, I attempted to change the front of Wal- 
lace's company (Virginia regulars). In doing it, some confusion ensued, and first a part and then 
the whole of the company commenced a retreat. The officers along the line seeing this, and sup- 
posing that orders had been given for a retreat, faced their men about and moved off. Morgan, 
who had mostly been with the militia, quickly rode up to me and expressed apprehensions of the 
event ; but I soon removed his fears by pointing to the line, and observing that men were not 
beaten who retreated in that order. He then ordered me to keep with the men until we came to 
the rising ground near Washington's horse, and he rode forward to fix on the most proper place for 
us to halt and face about. In a minute we had a perfect line. The enemy were now very near 
us. Our men commenced a very destructive fire, which they little expected, and a few rounds 
occasioned great disorder in their ranks. While in this confusion I ordered a charge with the 
bayonet, which order was obeyed with great alacrity. As the line advanced, I observed their 
artillery a short distance in front, and called to Captain Ewing, who was near me, to take it. Cap- 
tain Anderson hearing the order, also pushed for the same object ; and both being emulous 
for the prize, kept pace until near the first piece, when Anderson, by putting the end of his spon- 
toon forward into the ground, made a long leap, which brought him upon the gun and gave him 
the honor of the prize. My attention was now drawn to an altercation of some of the men with 
an artillery-man, who appeared to make it a point of honor not to surrender his match. The men, 
provoked at his obstinacy, would have bayoneted him upon the spot, had I not interfered and 
desired them to spare the life of so brave a man. He then surrendered his match. In the pursuit 
I was led to the right, in among the seventy-first, who were broken into squads, and, as I called 
them to surrender, they laid down their arms, and the officers delivered up their swords. Captain 
Duncanson, of the seventy-first grenadiers, gave me his sword and stood by me ; upon getting on 
my horse, I found him pulling at my saddle, and he nearly unhorsed me ; I expressed my dis- 
pleasure, and asked him what was he about. The explanation was, that they had orders to give no 
quarter, and they did not expect any ; and as my men were coming up, he was afraid they would 
use him ill. I admitted his excuse and put him into the care of a sergeant. I had messages from 
him some years afterwards, expressing his obligations for my having saved his life. 

In this glorious action, Colonel Howard held, at one time, seven 


swords of officers surrendered to him personally, and rescued the life of 
the British General O'Hara, who clung to his stirrups, claiming quarter. 
He afterwards wrote several times to thank him for saving his 
life. The moral effect of this victory was very great. Congress voted 
medals to Washington, Morgan, and Howard, though Morgan is reported 
to have said, that had Howard not been victorious, he would have had 
him "shot for disobedience" for making the charge when he did. Cow- 
pens is believed to have been the first battle in which American troops 
showed that they could cope with British veterans in the use of the 
bayonet ; and the subsequent order of Greene for the Maryland line to 
use the bayonet in every battle, was a high tribute to their intrepidity. 

At Eutaw, Colonel Howard and the Maryland line again distin- 
guished themselves, and the Maryland line swept the field with their 
bayonets. Lee's account of Colonel Howard's stubborn encounter with 
the Buffs describes Marylanders and Buffs as falling mutually transfixed 
with each other's bayonets. Colonel Howard wrote, "nearly one half 
my men were killed or wounded, and I had seven officers out of twelve 
disabled ; four killed and three severely wounded ; " while General 
Greene says in a letter to General Smallwood, " nothing could exceed 
the gallantry of the Maryland line. Colonels Williams, Howard, and 
all the officers exhibited acts of uncommon bravery ; and the free use 
of the bayonet, by this and some other corps, gave us the victory," and 
in another letter (which has been preserved by Colonel Howard's grand- 
daughter, Mrs. Charles Ridgely, of Hampton), Greene says of Colonel 
Howard. "He is as good an officer as the world affords; he deserves a 
statue as well as any Roman or Grecian hero of them all." At the 
battle of Eutaw, Colonel Howard was wounded by a ball which passed 
entirely through the left shoulder, and came out beneath the shoulder 
blade. It was so long before this wound was dressed, that the surgeon 
whispered to the attendant to watch closely during the night lest the 
wound should bleed again, as the patient would die in that case, if not 
immediately attended to. In the morning he surprised the surgeon by 
telling him that he had overheard this instruction to the attendant, and 
had decided to remain awake himself. He carried this self-reliance 
into every action of his life. 

At the conclusion of the war Colonel Howard retired to his home in 
Maryland, and according to a tradition of the family, never received a 
dollar of his pay. In 1788 he accepted the position of Governor of his 
native State, which he also served as delegate to the State Legislature 
and to the Senate of the United States. 


At the noble mansion which he built in the centre of the beautiful 
park at Belvidere, long known to Baltimoreans as " Howard's Park," he 
maintained an elegant hospitality. Preserving his interest in questions 
of public service, while withdrawing from public honors, he held the 
unbounded respect of all classes of society. When in 1812 the City of 
Washington was burned by the British troops, and Baltimore was 
threatened with capture, Colonel Howard received a suggestion, that it 
would be wise to capitulate, with indignation. He is related to have 
said " I have as much property at stake as most persons, and I have four 
sons in the field ; but sooner would I see my sons weltering in their 
blood and my property reduced to ashes, than so far disgrace the 
country*" A troop of aged men was organized, and Colonel Howard 
was placed by unanimous consent at its head. The death of the British 
General Ross caused the enemy to withdraw, and saved the city from 
otherwise inevitable destruction. 

The early death of the eldest daughter of Colonel Howard, Mrs. 
John McHenry, and that of his eldest son, was followed by the death 
of his beloved wife in 1824, after which his own health began to decline. 
The effects of the wound received at Eutaw remained with him during 
his life, and in October, 1827, after a short illness, borne with charac- 
teristic fortitude, he expired without a struggle or a groan, bequeathing 
to his children a handsome estate, and to his fellow citizens and friends 
a revered memory and name. His funeral was attended by all classes 
and people ; not only did the military escort the patriot soldier to his 
rest, but the public authorities and the President of the United States 
took part in the ceremonies. From President Adams the bereaved 
family received the following letter: 

11 The President of the United States has received with deep concern the communication from 
the family of the late Colonel Howard, informing him of the decease of their lamented parent. 
Sympathizing with their affliction upon the departure of their illustrious relative, he only shares in 
the sentiment of universal regret, with which the offspring of the revolutionary age, throughout the 
union, will learn the close of a life, eminently adorned with the honors of the cause of indepen- 
dence, and not less distinguished in the career of peaceful magistracy in later time. He will take 
a sincere though melancholy satisfaction in uniting with his fellow citizens in attending the funeral 
obsequies of him whose name has been long, and will ever remain, enrolled among those of the 
benefactors of his country." 

Resolutions were adopted by the Maryland Legislature highly 
eulogistic of the deceased, and directing his portrait to be placed in the 
Chamber of the house of delegates. The House of Representatives of 
South Carolina also declared " that it was with feelings of profound 
sorrow and regret that South Carolina received the melancholy intelli- 



gence of the death of Colonel John Eager Howard, of Maryland, and 
that the State of South Carolina can never forget the distinguished 
services of the deceased," and South Carolina has kept her promise. 
In this era of American Centennial Celebrations, South Carolina has 
celebrated the centennial anniversary of the battle of Cowpens. 

In Baltimore, the native city of Colonel Howard, the many public 
buildings, churches and streets, for which he liberally gave the ground y 
are lasting memorials of his generosity and public spirit; and many an 
effort to remove an old market or engine house, or crowded graveyard, 
to use the now valuable sites for other purposes, has been thwarted by 
the express provision of Colonel Howard that in the event of any 
change from the purposes of the gift, the ground was to return to his 






I 7 8l 

(Presumed to be that of Baron Cromot du Bourg, 
Aid to Rochambeau) 

From an unpublished Manuscript in the posses- 
sion of C. Fiske Harris, of 
Providence, R. I. 

Translated for the Magazine of American History 


Preliminary Note — The publication 
of this Diary is now resumed from the 
June, 1880, number of the Magazine, IV, 
441, and concluded. The last entry 
translated was of the 19th October, 
1 781, which was followed by the Journal 
of the Siege, kept by the French Engi- 
neers. Next in order follows the Jour- 
nal of the Aide Major-General, or chief 
of staff. Editor 



M. de Menonville, Aide Major-General 

October 6th to yt/i — Opening of the 
trench. Mare'chal de Camp, Baron de 
Viomenil. Brigadier, the Count de Cus- 
tine. Bourbonnais, 2 Battallions. Sois- 
sonnais, 2. Night workmen, 1,000 men. 

The trench was opened by a parallel, 
the right of which rested on the ravine 
which is next to the Redoubt of Pigeon 
Hill, and the right joined the left of that 
of the Americans, crossing at right 
angles the highway from York to Hamp- 

This parallel was supported by four 
redoubts, two on the American ground 
and two on the French ground. 

The advanced work of the Americans, 
which, properly speaking, is one with our 

own, rests its right on the river ; their 
work of this night has been the con- 
struction of a part of the parallel which 
belongs to them. 

At the same time there was opened on 
our left, which joins the upper end of 
the river, a trench defended by a bat- 
tallion of the regiment of Touraine, its 
grenadiers and chasseurs, and a battery 
was commenced, the purpose of which 
is to reach the enemy's ships in the 
upper part of the river. 

The enemy discovered this advanced 
work very early ; it so attracted their at- 
tention that they knew nothing of our 
great work, upon which they directed no 
fire whatever, contenting themselves with 
firing, as they had done the nights pre- 
ceding, upon the redoubts which they 
had abandoned to us, and on the two 
constructed by the Americans on the 
two sides of the Hampton Road, which 
is behind our works, and their shot fired 
at hazard had no other result than a 
slight contusion to an officer of Royal 
Deux Ponts, and one a little more severe 
to a soldier of his regiment, both of 
whom were with the workmen. 

At the Touraine work an officer of 
artillery was dangerously wounded, and 
six grenadiers, two slightly, and a sol- 
dier of the regiment of Agenois. 

At daybreak the works of the grand 
attack were nearly everywhere ready to 
receive the troops. 

The day was spent in perfecting the 
parallel with 400 workmen, taken from 
the trench battalions. 

October yt/i to Sr/i — Marechal de Camp, 
Chevalier de Chastellux. Agenois, 2 
Battalions; Saintonge, 2 Battalions; night 
workmen, 900 men. 



This night, 500 workmen were em- 
ployed under the direction of the en- 
gineers in beginning the communication 
to the rear and on the right of the par- 
allel, in perfecting it as well as the re- 
doubt, and in making the passage of 
communication with the batteries. 

The other 400 night workmen were 
employed with those of the artillery in 
the construction of the batteries. 

At the work near the head of the river 
the construction of the battery was con- 
tinued, and it was ready to open fire at 

400 day workmen were employed near 
the trench battalions in perfecting the 
work of the two preceding nights, and in 
continuing the construction of the bat- 

At the advanced work of the Ameri- 
cans, the construction of the batteries 
was also begun. 

Wounded at the grand work, 6. 

The armament of the batteries was 
begun the night of the 7th to 8th. 

Amertca?t — On the right, touching the 
river, a battery of 6 cannons and 4 shell 

Near the V redoubt of the French, a 
battery of 5 guns. 

French — No. I. 1 Grand Battery con- 
sisting of 4 pieces of 16 ; 2 mortars, 12 
inches ; 4 mortars, 8 inches ; 2 howitzers, 
S inches ; 4 pieces of 16. 

A little to the rear of the parallel, 
and a little to the left of the Hampton 

No. II. A Battery of 4 guns of 24, 
also in the rear of the parallel and to 
the right of the ravine on which it 

No. III. One of 3 guns of 24, in the 

direction of and in the rear of the en- 
trance end of the parallel. 

No. IV. One of 3 guns of 24 to the 
left of the ravine where the parallel 

October 8th to gth — Mare'chal de Camp, 
Marquis de St. Simon. Brigadier, Count 
de Custine. Gatinois, 2 Battalions; E.oyal 
Deux-Ponts, 2 Battalions ; Auxiliary, 
the Grenadiers of Soisscnnais and Sain- 
tonge ; Night-workmen, 800 men. 

One-half of the night-workmen were 
employed under the direction of the 
Engineer to finish the communications 
begun the preceding nights, and the 
others, with those of the artillery, to 
continue the construction of the Bat- 
teries and to begin a new one, No. V. 
in advance of the parallel towards the 

400 workmen were employed during 
the day near the French battalions for 
the same purpose. 

The Americans continued the works 
of the preceding night and day. 

Their battery of 6 pieces of cannon 
and 4 mortars, touching the river, was 
ready to open fire two hours before 

That of the work at the head of the 
river -begun fire, about three o'clock, 
upon a frigate of the enemy, com- 
pelling her to ship her cable and with- 

Killed, 1. Wounded, 1. 

October gth to 10th — Mare'chal de Camp, 
Count de Viomenil. Bourbonnais, 2 
Battalions ; Soissonnais, 2 Battalions ; 
Auxiliaries, the Chasseurs of Agenois 
and Gatinois; Night workmen, 700 men. 

400 workmen were employed during 
the night under the direction of the 



Engineers in palisading the redoubts of 
the parallel and in perfecting its com- 
munications, and 300, with those of the 
artillery, in continuing the batteries. 

During the day fire was opened by 
the following batteries : 

American Battery 5 guns. 

French Battery, No. I and II. Two 
hours after, the enemy's fire wholly 

200 day workmen were employed near 
the French Battalions in perfecting the 
communications and continuing the un- 
finished work on the batteries. 

Wounded at the grand work, 2 men. 

October nt/i to \2tJ1 — Mare chat de 
Camp, Baron de Viomenil. Brigadier, 
Count de Custine. Agenois, 2 Battalions. 
Sainton ge, 2 Battalions ; Auxiliary, the 
Chasseurs of Soissonnais and Royal 
Deux Ponts ; Night workmen, 300 men. 

The night-workmen were employed in 
perfecting the batteries and the redoubts 
during the night. Firing was kept up 
from the bombs of the American bat- 
teries, and of our Battery No. I. 

Red-hot shot were fired from the Bat- 
teries at the attack on the vessels, and 
the Charon and two transports were set 
on fire. 

Our batteries, No. 3 and 4, continued 
fire during the day. 

The enemy began to fire about three 
o'clock in the afternoon. Some shot from 
their right reached Battery No. I and the 
neighboring works. 

Killed, 1. Wounded, 3. 

October wth to \2tJ1 — Marechal de 
Camp, Chevalier de Chastellux. Gati- 
nois, 2 Battalions ; Royal Deux Ponts, 
2 Battalions ; Auxiliaries, the Chasseurs 
of Bourbonnais and the Grenadiers 

of Saintonge ; Night workmen, 800 

Under direction of the Engineer, 750 
night-workmen were employed in begin- 
ning a second parallel about 140 yards 
in advance of the first, the left resting 
on the great ravine where the first rests, 
which also serves as a debouche by which 
-to reach it. 

The American workmen constructed 
their part of the parallel toward the right, 
where it extends to a point opposite to 
their battery of five guns. A debouche 
which starts from the ravine on the left 
of our redoubt overlaps it on the right, 
and another also which starts from the 
left of our Battery No. 2, and advances 
by zig-zags as far as the second parallel. 
This parallel is covered by two redoubts. 

50 night- workmen were employed to 
finish Battery No. 2, and in repairing 
the others. 

To cover the work and conceal it from 
the enemy, our mortar and howitzer bat- 
teries, and that of the Americans, kept 
up a fire all night, and our gun batteries 
maintained a moderate fire. The enemy 
fired bombs and some cannon shot, but 
did not interrupt our work, which was 
finished properly by daybreak, as was 
also that of the Americans. 

During the day our Battery No. V 
opened fire, and our gun batteries con- 
tinued firing until nine o'clock, when, 
fearing that it might disturb the Ameri- 
can day-workmen, it was discontinued, 
but that of the enemy recommencing 
the fire of our batteries No. 3 and 4 was 

The work of the parallel was con- 
tinued by 300 day-workmen taken from 
the French regiments. 



Wounded at the grand work, 4 men ; 
.at that of Touraine, 3 men. 

October \2tJ1 to 13th — Marechal de 
Camp, Marquis de St. Simon. Brigadier, 
Count de Custine. Bourbonnais, 2 bat- 
teries. Soissonnais, 2 batteries. Aux- 
iliaries, grenadiers of Agenois and 
Gatinois. Night workmen 600 men. 

The night workmen perfected the 
most of the night before; 300 day work- 
men completely perfected the parallel 
and were taken to construct the bat- 

Killed, 6; wounded, 11, at the grand 
attack. Messieurs de Miolis and Dursu, 
an officer of the Soissonnais, wounded. 

October i$t/i to 14th — Marechal de 
Camp, Count de Viomenil. Agenois, 2 
batteries; Saintonge, 2 batteries; Aux- 
iliaries, grenadiers of Soissonnais and 
Royal Deux-Ponts; night workmen 600 

300 night workmen were employed in 
perfecting the redoubt and the other 
work on the trenches. These works 
were continued by 300 day workmen 
taken from the French battalions. 

Killed, 1; wounded, 28, at the grand 

Armament of the batteries began the 
night of the 12th to 13th. 

No. VI. Between the two communi- 
cations and a little in advance of the 
second parallel, 6 guns. 

No. VII. On the left of the debouche 
of the communication of the left with the 
parallel, 6 guns. 

No. VIII. In the parallel to the right 
of the redoubt of the left, 6 guns. 

No. IX. In advance of the parallel, 8 
mortars, 2 shells. 

October 14th to 15th — Marshal de 

Camp, Baron de Viomenil. Brigadier, 
Count de Custine. Gatinois, 2 battalions; 
Deux Ponts, 2 battalions; auxiliaries, 
the Grenadiers of Saintonge, the Chas- 
seurs of Bourbonnais, Agenois and Sois- 
sonnais. Night workmen, 800 men. 
Orders being given for the attack upon 
the two advanced redoubts of the enemy, 
the one resting on the river and the 
other on its left, it was made after night 
fall; the American Light Infantry sup- 
ported by two of the trench battalions 
the whole commanded by the Marquis 
de Lafayette, attacked the" redoubt on 
the river and carried it at the point of 
the bayonet with four officers wounded 
and about twenty men killed or wounded. 

The French troops being charged with 
the attack of the other redoubt de- 
bouched by the right flank of the Ameri- 
can battery of 5 guns in the following 

The companies of grenadiers and 
chasseurs of the French regiments com- 
manded by Count Guillaume de Deux 
Ponts, second colonel of the regi- 
ment of his name, and de l'Estrade, 
Lieutenant Colonel of Gatinois ; the 
first battalion of Gatinois the auxiliary 
grenadiers and chasseurs of the trenches 
with the exception of the chasseurs of 
Soissonnais designed to annoy the enemy 
on the left of our grand attack; this 
division intended as a support under 
the orders of the Marquis de Rostaing, 
Colonel of the regiment of Gatinois. 

The Baron de Viomenil, Marechal de 
Camp of the French, leading the whole 
command, debouched with the troops, 
who moved upon the redoubt in the most 
thorough order and in perfect silence. 
The enemy early perceived the column 



and opened upon it a very sharp musketry 
fire ; the abattis were found to be in 
much better condition than it was hoped 
to find it, after the bombardment of this 
redoubt with a great amount of artillery 
for several days; notwithstanding the 
heavy fire of the enemy the pioneers of 
the regiment opened passages, through 
which the grenadiers of Gatinois and 
Deux Ponts entered the ditch, and to- 
gether with them the same pioneers, who 
were obliged to cut, besides, some of the 
palisades in order to open the frieze of 
the redoubt. The same grenadiers took 
advantage of these openings to mount 
the parapet where they formed, which 
soon compelled such of the enemy as 
remained to surrender. 

We took 40 officers and 3 soldiers 
prisoners and counted 18 dead. The 
remainder to the number of 170, escaped 
by flight. 

Our loss in this attack in men and offi- 
cers was about 80 killed and wounded. 

The enemy at once began a sharp fire 
with shot and shell upon the redoubt 
which we had captured, which killed or 
wounded a considerable number in ad- 
dition. The moment we were masters of 
the redoubt 500 workmen debouched on 
the right of the second parallel to ex- 
tend it up to this redoubt. The Ameri- 
can workmen continued this parallel 
between the two redoubts, opened a 
communication from the first, which 
debouched between their grand battery 
to their first redoubt on the right, and 
pushed it towards the enemy's redoubt 
which they had captured ; all these works 
were pushed with the greatest rapidity 
and were well advanced by daybreak. 

The feint ordered on the left of our 

works being made a little too sharply 
we lost some men in it. 

At nightfall the attention of the 
enemy was drawn to the head of the 
river also by a feint, which was executed 
without loss by the regiment of Touraine. 

200 night workmen were employed to 
continue the batteries, and the other 100 
to complete the perfecting of the com- 
munications through the entire extent of 
our works of the preceding nights. 

The enemy continued a very heavy 
fire of bombs and grapeshot, which dis- 
turbed the workmen. 

The regiment of Bourbonnais came 
into the trench at 10 o'clock at night to 
reinforce it in case the enemy should 
undertake to interfere with our work by 
a sortie or force. Killed, 46; wounded, 
62, in the grand attack. Also wounded 
Count Guillaume de Deux Ponts, the 
Chevalier de Lameth, Quartermaster, 
and Major General; De Sireuil, a Cap- 
tain of the Gatinois. De Berthelet, De 
Sirveque, Lieutenant; De Lutzow, Lieu- 
tenant of the chasseurs of Royal Deux 

October i$t/i to 16th — Marechal de 
Camp, Chevalier de Chastellux; Bour- 
bonnais until the evening of the 
15th, 2 battalions; Agenois auxiliary for 
the night; Soissonnais, 2 battalions ; 
auxiliaries, chasseurs of the Royal Deux 
Ponts. Night workmen, 500 men. 

100 night workmen were employed in 
perfecting the batteries, and the other 
400 in perfecting the parallel and the re- 
doubts. Towards five o'clock in the 
morning the enemy made a sortie; they 
entered a redoubt and our batteries 
where they imperfectly spiked four guns 
which again fired six hours afterwards. 


1KAN> \ 

. \ V VI ( bout 

Killed, (fed, 3|, il I be grand 

Uso i winded M< ssteurs de 

I . : BM lit oi >■ - 

s . . . ■• . . . . 

bonn - second lieutenant 

of ! lis Pusig tan, lieu- 

M vie Rourgimont, 


^ S \. Srigwdkr, 

SfcUM ,'..'.- 

...\ ^ battalia - v.xiliaries, 
I . i . - .... . s and I 

\ .. ii workmen 8oo hm 

The night workmen continued to per- 
:he work on tho 
strengthen the batteries 
tire at daylight. 

V. : ben in the morning the enemy 
Ksk suspense ol hostili- 
- - - :reat of the sur- 

render of the place and make terms 
the : s I iring ceased on bfl sides 
but Mr. Washing! :heir 

MB sufficiently explicit, 
order> esuiw 

KilUv.. i, Wounded, to. 
m Marquis die Si S htaiecha) 

de Canip* wounded. 

Octo t er 17M t* \$t*—M**wk*? Jt 
Cxmf % Coun: de \ k menil. Bourbon - 

S, 1 Battalions: K 
t battalions. 

V second flag came out about three 
o'clock with proposals which caused a 
c es sati o n of hostilities on both sides 
until the signature of the capitulation on 
the 19th at n, I 1; wounded, 1. 

M. de ^ Bellenger. lieutenant in the 
corps of royal artillery, killed. 

M. DrouiUet, tie* diets 

tided on th< st September in a feint 
made on the redoubt on th< : the 


[ON Of xUlKP 

v 01 \ 

Kill VO 


. .■ 



S . . . 1 ... 1 

9—- I 


1 .- ~ 

1 ; . - . 1 11 

14 46 

15.... i 
16 1 

1 : . . . . 




; men killed and 

:al 59 
d total 
* Dwtst and V. ..■.-- - - Sobs 

. . -. . . s . 1 S . - 

e rtcMoat ; de 

• IV Marin. Si B -.vs. IV 

. . . * 

t s 

3 .. 
nsdeSt*S ".v\n. 

* H. de Ntager, 1 ieui. of Anil.. 


a. 1 . . n ok ran C the 

N Armament under the C 

man , rHE Count de 

•• - OlOM < ^n - \KD 

The Count de Grasse left Brest on the 
lid March with a Convoy of 150 Sail; af- 



Battery No. VI. opened fire about 

Killed, i; wounded, 37, at the grand 
attack. Also wounded Messieurs de 
Marin, captain of the regiment of Sois- 
sonnais; de Bargues, lieutenant of Bour- 
bonnais ; de Bourdelot, second lieutenant 
of Bourbonnais; de Pusignan, lieu- 
tenant of artillery. M. de Bourgimont, 
captain of Agenois, prisoner. 

October i6t/i to ijt/i — Marechal de 
Camp, Marquis de St. Simon. Brigadier, 
Count de Custine; Gatinois, 2 battalions, 
Saintonge, 2 battalions; Auxiliaries, 
Grenadiers of Agenois and Gatinois. 
Night workmen 800 men. 

The night workmen continued to per- 
fect the work on the trenches and to 
strengthen the batteries, which opened 
fire at daylight. 

About ten in the morning the enemy 
sent a flag to ask a suspense of hostili- 
ties for 24 hours to treat of the sur- 
render of the place and make terms for 
the troops. Firing ceased on both sides, 
but Mr. Washington not finding their 
proposition sufficiently explicit, gave 
orders to resume firing. 

Killed, 1. Wounded, 10. 

The Marquis de St. Simon, Marechal 
de Camp, wounded. 

October iyt/1 to 18 th — Marechal de 
Camp, Count de Viomenil. Bourbon- 
nais, 2 Battalions; Royal Deux Ponts, 
2 battalions. 

A second flag came out about three 
o'clock with proposals which caused a 
cessation of hostilities on both sides 
until the signature of the capitulation on 
the 19th at noon. Killed, 2; wounded, 1. 

M. de Bellenger, lieutenant in the 
corps of royal artillery, killed. 

M. Drouillet, lieutenant of Grenadiers 
of the regiment of Agenois, was 
wounded on the 1st September in a feint 
made on the redoubt on the right of the 



8 . 

II . . 

12. . 

13 • 


is- • 


17. • 



Soldiers Officers 







Soldiers Officers 

8 2 

1 , 






Total 59 1 176 17 

Grand total, 253 men killed and 

a Dursu and Mioles, Lieuts. of Soissonnais. 

b Count Guillaume de Deux Ponts; Chevalier 
de Lameth, Quartermaster, Aid Major General; 
De Sereuil, Capt. of Gatinois; de Sirveque, 
Second Lieutenant; de Lutzow, Lieut, of Royal 
Deux Ponts. 

c De Marin, Captain of Soissonnais; De 
Bargues, Lieut, of Bourbonnais; De Bourdelot, 
Lieut, of Agenois; De Soumel, Second Lieut, 
of Agenois; de Pusignan, Lieut, of Artillery. 

d Marquis de St. Simon. 

e H. de Bellenger, Lieut, of Artillery. 

f M. de Drouillet, Lieut, of Agenois. 

Account of the Campaign of the 
Naval Armament under the Com- 
mand of the Count de Grasse, 
Printed by his Order on Board 
the Ville de Paris. 
The Count de Grasse left Brest on the 

2 2d March with a Convoy of 150 Sail; af- 



3 Hi 





ter a passage unexampled for rapidity, on 
the 29th April drove out with his guns 18 
English ships of war which had block- 
aded Martinique for 50 days; their su- 
perior speed, and the choice they made 
of flying before the wind, compelled the 
Count de Grasse to give up their pur- 
suit on the third day and go to Fort- 
Royal at Martinique ; after stopping 
there for forty-eight hours an attempt 
was feigned on Saint Lucia while it was 
only intended to capture Tabago. This 
colony was captured under the eyes of 
Rodney himself, who, with 22 ships 
against 24, took care to keep at a re- 
spectful distance, and constantly refused 
the engagement which the French offered 
him willingly. After supplying Tabago 
with everything requisite, the fleet went 
to St. Domingo with a convoy of 200 
sail captured at Grenada ; thence to 
Martinique and Guadeloupe. The 16th 
July it came to anchor at Cape Island, 
at St. Domingo. The 20th, the Intrepid 
of 74 guns was blown up by a fire which 
took in a barrel of rum ; a similar acci- 
dent happened to the Inconstante on 
Vache Island. 

The 5th August the fleet sailed from 
St Domingo and set its course to touch 
at Havana, in order to take in money ; 
It then came out by the Bahama chan- 
nel. The 26th August it came to anchor 
in Chesapeake Bay — The Marquis de 
la Fayette was at Jamestown in com- 
mand of an American Corps which 
watched the movements of Lord Corn- 
wallis, whose force was superior to his 
own. The latter occupied the post of 
York on the right bank of the river of 
this name. The Guadeloupe of 24 guns, 
several corvettes and a large number of 

transports secured his supplies and com- 
nications, and gave him control of the 
sea. The Count de Grasse was informed 
of all these details the evening of his 
arrival by an Officer whom the Marquis 
de la Fayette had posted at Cape Henry 
to await his arrival. 

The Frigate la Concorde, despatched 
to St. Domingo by the Count de Barras, 
carried despatches from Generals Wash- 
ington and Rochambeau to the Count 
de Grasse, advising him of the position 
of their armies and the successes which 
the enemy had obtained in Virginia and 
Maryland under the orders of Lord 
Cornwallis, whom it was possible to sur- 
prise if our maritime force were superior 
to that of the enemy. 

The Count de Grasse, persuaded of 
the importance of giving assistance to 
these two provinces ; of undertaking 
the capture of Lord Cornwallis in the 
post he held, and of the occupation of 
Chesapeake Bay, immediately dispatched 
la Concorde to announce his arrival at 
Cape Henry, and embarked 3300 men 
under the orders of the Marquis de St. 
Simon, who were sent off on the 28 men 
of war which composed his fleet. The 
return of the Concorde to Newport an- 
nounced to Generals Washington and 
Rochambeau the movements of the 
Count de Grasse. These Generals then 
marched their army to Elk River, which 
empties into the north east end of Ches- 
apeake Bay. 

The Count de Barras was also notified 
of the same movements. This officer, 
firmly persuaded of the advantage which 
would result from his junction with the 
fleet of the Count de Grasse in Chesa- 
peake Bay, prepared to sail thither not- 



withstanding the freedom his orders gave 
him to act independently to the north- 

The Glorieux, Aigrette and Diligente 
cruised in advance of the fleet; as it en- 
tered the Bay, they there saw the frigate 
Guadaloupe and the corvette Royalist 
anchored off Cape Henry, and pursued 
them to the mouth of York River. The 
corvette was captured. The Glorieux, 
accompanied by two frigates, anchored 
at the mouth to complete the blockade. 
They were reinforced the next day by 
two ships, the Vaillant and Triton. The 
James River, which empties into the 
Chesapeake four leagues south of the 
York, was also occupied. The Experi- 
ment, Andromaque and several cor- 
vettes were posted in this river so as to 
cut off the retreat of Lord Cornwallis 
by way of the Carolinas, and at the same 
time to protect our boats and sloops on 
which the 3300 men of the Marquis de 
Saint Simon were embarked to be trans- 
ported up the James River to a distance 
of eighteen leagues from the harbor of 
Lynn Haven, which was held by the 

The Marquis de Saint Simon ar- 
rived there on the 27th — the Marquis de 
la Fayette, with the corps under his 
command, on the 3d. They marched 
next day to Williamsburg, which is only 
five leagues from York. 

The theatre of this important opera- 
tion was a sort of peninsula, about 
fifteen leagues from east to west, and 
four to five from north to south, formed 
by the York and James Rivers and 
the Chesapeake Bay ; the posts of 
Jamestown, the ancient residence of the 
governors of Virginia, and of York and 

Hampton, are all within this peninsula. 
The fleet was waiting at the anchorage of 
Lynn Haven the news of the march of 
General Washington and the return of 
the boats and sloops, when on the 5 th 
September, at 8 o'clock in the morning, 
the frigate which was cruising outside, 
signalled 27 sail to the eastward, heading 
for Chesapeake Bay. The wind was 
from the north east. Little by little it 
was ascertained that the fleet signalled 
was that of the enemy, and not that of 
Count de Barras, which was expected. 
They crowded sail and were soon near 
enough for us to see that they were draw- 
ing themselves up in line of battle 
with starboard tacks, sending their heavy 
ships to the front. The moment they 
were signalled the Count de Grasse gave 
orders to prepare for battle, to bring 
back the boats which were at the water- 
ing place, and to be ready to weigh 
anchor. At noon the tide served to set 
sail. This signal was given as well as 
that to form in conformity with their 
respective speed. The Captains were 
so expeditious that, notwithstanding the 
absence of 1800 men and 90 officers, 
who were employed in the debarkation 
of the troops, the fleet was under sail 
in less than three-quarters of an hour, 
and the line formed in the following 
order. The Pluton, Marseillais, Bour- 
gogne, Diademe, Refl^chie, Auguste, St. 
Esprit, Caton, Cesar, Destin, Ville de 
Paris, Victoire, Sceptre, Northumberland, 
Lanquedoc, Zele, Hector, Souverain. The 
Lanquedoc, commanded by M. de Mon- 
teil, Chief of the White and Blue squad- 
ron, was directly ahead of the Ville de 
Paris. The Count de Grasse, observing 
that there were no General officers in his 



rear guard, gave him verbal order to 
take the command of it. 

The enemy bore down with the wind. 
They had preserved their formation close 
hauled on the starboard tack. At two 
o'clock they all bore away under the same 
sail together before the wind, as the French 
fleet. In this position they were on the 
same course, without, however, being 
ranged in parallel lines. The rear guard 
of Admiral Graves was far to windward of 
his advance guard. At three o'clock the 
vessels at the head of the French line find- 
ing themselves, by the shifting of the 
wind and by the action of the currents, 
too close to the wind for their line 
to be well formed, the Count de Grasse 
kept away two points, in order to give 
all his vessels opportunity to engage 
at once. They held the wind; when they 
were sufficiently close the two heads of 
the fleet approached within musket shot. 
At four o'clock the combat began with 
the advance guard, commanded by M. de 
Bougainville, by a very sharp fire, and the 
vessels of the body of the line took part 
each in succession. At five o'clock, the 
wind continuing to shift as far as four 
points, again left the front line of the 
French too much to windward. 

The Count de Grasse was extremely 
desirous that the engagement should be- 
come general, and to tempt the enemy 
a second time ordered his leading vessels 
to attack. That of Admiral Graves 
was very roughly used. He took ad- 
vantage of the wind, which made him 
master of the distance, to avoid being 
attacked by the rear guard of the French, 
which used every effort to reach his own 
and his centre. This put an end to the 
combat. The English fleet held the 

weather gauge and keeping it the next 
day employed this day in repairs. 

On the 7th, at noon, the wind 
changed to the advantage of the French 
fleet. Count de Grasse approached that 
of the enemy and manceuvered in the 
evening to hold the wind during the 

The 8th, at daybreak, Admiral Graves 
took advantage of a shift of the wind, 
which favored him, to get to windward 
of the French fleet which was then in 
checker board formation, close hauled, 
on the port tack, and bore up on the 
starboard tack. The Count de Grasse 
perceiving this tacked with his whole fleet 
at once. He thus found himself in a 
well ordered line of battle, moving on 
the enemy which were on the opposite 
tack in a badly formed line, yet appar- 
ently willing, notwithstanding its bad 
position, to hold its course. The Count 
de Grasse signalled the vessels at the 
head of his line to pass close ahead of the 
English. They then undertook to form 
by wearing ship, and, the wind being 
ahead, to present a line of battle on the 
same side as the French. Admiral 
Graves perceived the danger this ma- 
noeuvre was, which, if persisted in, would 
have given the French fleet the advan- 
tage of attacking him with his line half 
formed. Three vessels only had begun 
this manoeuvre when he bore up before 
the wind to form on his rear guard. This 
manoeuvre gave up the weather gauge 
to the French fleet, from which the 
English escaped, all sail set. 

In the night of the 8th to 9th a 
shift of the wind again gave them the 
weather gauge. In the evening of the 
9th the Count de Grasse regained it 



by manoeuvre, and with it the advant- 
age of making more sail than the Eng- 
lish squadron, his vessels having suf- 
fered less. 

In the night of the 9th to 10th the 
enemy disappeared. The Count de 
Grasse seeing the difficulty of bring- 
ing Admiral Graves to combat, and 
fearing that a change of wind might 
enable them to reach Chesapeake Bay 
before him, decided to return thither 
to continue his operations and take his 
boats on board. 

The Glorieux and Diligente joined 
the fleet in the evening of the 10th. 

The nth the two frigates, Richmond 
and Iris, which had come out from the 
Chesapeake Bay, whither they had been 
to cut adrift the buoys of the fleet of the 
Count de Grasse, fell into his hands. 
His fleet anchored the same day off Cape 
Henry, where the Count de Barras had 
arrived the evening before. 

The French fleet, engaged in the affair 
of the 5th, consisted of 24 ships and two 
frigates. Admiral Graves, reinforced by 
Hood, had 20 ships, two of which were 
three deckers and nine frigates and cor- 
vettes. By their own admission five of 
their vessels were considerably dam- 
aged, and particularly the Terrible, a 
seventy-four, the sixth vessel of their 
line, to which they set fire in the night of 
the 9th to 10th, as she could no longer 
be kept afloat. The 15 leading vessels of 
the French line alone took part in the 
action. They had moreover the same 
number to engage the five vessels of the 
English rear guard which declined to 
come within range. 

The French fleet lost in this affair 
Messieurs De Boudet, Captain command- 

ing the Reflechie; Dupe d'Orvant, ships 
lieut. and Major of the Blue Squadron; 
Riamb, Ensign on the Diademe. 18 
wounded and about 209 men killed and 

During this interval the American and 
French army arrived at the mouth of 
Elk, the advance guard under the com- 
mand of the Count de Custine, em- 
barked in boats belonging to the country 
reached Williamsburg on the 19th, the 
remainder of the army under the orders 
of the Baron de Viomenil marched 
to Baltimore, and embarked there on 
the frigates and transports sent up by 
the Count de Grasse. The 24th all were 
together at Williamsburg. Generals- 
Washington and Rochambeau had been 
there since the 13th, having come on by 
land accompanied only by their aides-de- 
camp and suite. The r8th they went 
on board the Ville de Paris to concert 
with the Count de Grasse the measures 
to be executed. The Count de Grasse 
then left the anchorage of Lynnhaven 
where the vessels were not in security,, 
and took that which is beyond the banks 
of Middle Ground and the Horseshoe. 
The fleet anchored in line within and at 
the opening of the two banks, where they 
lay ready to moor if Admiral Graves, 
re-inforced by Admiral Digby, had at- 
tempted to relieve Lord Cornwallis, 
Moreover, their position afforded some 
means of hastening the siege by as- 
sisting in the transportation of the ma- 
terial of war. Three vessels were also 
selected to moor at the mouth of York 
River; the 30th, 800 men taken from the 
crews on ships were sent to reinforce M. 
de Choisy, who blockaded Glouces- 
ter with the legion of the Duke de 



Lauzun and 2,000 Americans. York was 
invested on the 29th. The trenches were 
opened the 6th to the 7th in the after- 
noon. On the 1 7th Lord Cornwallis asked 
a suspension of arms for 24 hours. Gen- 
eral Burgoyne just four years before at 
the same period signed the capitulation 
of Saratoga. Two hours were granted, 
and he then asked to capitulate. A day 
was employed in discussing the articles 
of capitulation, which were signed and 
concluded the 19th. 

There were found in the ports of York 
and Gloucester 6000 regular troops, Eng- 
lish, Hessian, and 22 flags; 1,500 sailors; 
160 cannon of all calibre, 75 of which 
bronze; 8 mortars ; about 40 vessels, 
one of which of 50 guns which had 
been burned; 20 transport vessels had 
been sunk, among which one frigate the 
Gaudeloupe of 24 guns. 

Continuation of the Diary 
Octobe?' 20 — M. de Rochambeau gave 
a dinner to General O'Hara and several 
English prisoners. I confess that the 
sang froid, and gayety even, of these gen- 
tlemen amazed me. I could not imag- 
ine that the day after such a catastrophe 
as had happened to them they could 
forget it. Moreover, General O'Hara 
talked a great deal and very intelligently. 
He has travelled a great deal, and has 
an extensive acquaintance. When we 
rose from table we paid a visit to Lord 
Cornwallis, who had declared himself to 
be ill the evening before. He received 
us well and in a very proper manner. 

October 21 — M. de Rochambeau went 
on board the squadron ; the same day 
the Garrisons of York and Gloucester 
left for Winchester. 

October 24 — The Duke de Lauzun 
sailed in the Frigate Surveillante to 
carry the news to the Court. 

October 25 — The result of the siege 
of York was known at Philadelphia. 
The capture of the entire army of Corn- 
wallis caused the greatest excitement. 
Many private citizens demonstrated their 
joy by illuminating their houses, and this 
event gave occasion to the Gazetteers to 
distinguish themselves, a matter the 
Americans neglect no more than the 
English, too happy when their public 
papers are not filled with falsehoods. 

October 26 — The Andromaque went 
out with Count Guillaume de Deux- 
Ponts on board, charged with the mission 
of asking the favors of the Court, but 
the 27th, in being chased by the English 
squadron, she returned to put herself 
under the protection of our own. The 
English squadron continued to cruise, 
several days in succession, before the 

October 29 — Congress met and passed 

the following resolution, which it sent to 

M. de Rochambeau. 

Note — Here follows the Resolve of Congress of 
the iqth October, 1781 — Editor. 

November 1 — The Andromaque went 
out and sailed for France. The same 
day the English Squadron was seen in 
the latitude of Cape Hatteras, sailing in 
a southerly direction. It is said that 
Clinton is on this Squadron with 3000 
men, and fears an attempt upon Charles- 
town, which might have been made if 
the arrangements of M. de Grasse had 
squared with those of M. de Rocham- 
beau, but I think that M. de Grasse has 
a rendezvous fixed with the Spanish 



November 4 — The fleet hoisted sail and 
went out of Chesapeake Bay, leaving only 
the Romulus under the command of M. 
de Villebrune and three frigates to pro- 
tect the James and York rivers. The 
vessels promised to the English to carry 
them to New York and to England were 
to-day supplied to them, and they leave 
to-morrow. Cornwallis is embarked on 
one of them, and goes to New York. 

November 5 — The Virginia Line broke 
camp and marched to the South. 

Nove??iber 6 — The Maryland and Penn- 
sylvania Lines left camp and followed 
that of Virginia to join the army under 
General Greene. The rest of the Ameri- 
can troops embarked to go up to Head 
of Elk. The works which Arnold had 
constructed at Portsmouth were razed 
to the ground. 

Workmen are also busy destroying the 
parallels which we traced, and our bat- 
teries before York, and also at work 
upon the exterior works of the post, 
which are being restored as thoroughly 
as possible, and the defences connected 
together. Two Engineers are engaged 
in this work. 

November 15 to 18 — The army went 
into winter quarters. 

Under command of M. de Choisy. 
The Legion of Lauzun at Hampton. 

Under command of the Vicomte de 

The regiment of Soissonais at York 
with the grenadiers and chasseurs of 
Saintonge. The regiment of Saintonge, 
cantonned between York and Hampton, 
at Half Way House. 

There are at Gloucester a detach- 
ment of 50 men and a company of 

The head quarters of Messrs. de 
Rochambeau and de Chastellux at 
Williamsburg. The entire regiments of 
Bourbonnais and of Deux-Ponts. 

A captain of Deux-Ponts. 

At Jamestown, three companies of 
the Regiment of Deux-Ponts. 

An officer of Artillery. 

At West Point in Virginia, the Siege 

Note — Here follows an account of the Organ- 
ization of the American army, to which are ap- 
pended the following observations : 

But these regiments in this present 
condition are far from complete. The 
greater part of them have only a third 
of their force, and some two-thirds. 
The accompanying Table shows the 
forces which the different States furnish. 
The regiments wear upon their buttons 
the name of the State to which they~ 
belong, and are distinguished as the 
first, second, third of each Province, 
except the Partisan Corps, which wear 
the names of their chiefs. 

Note — Then follows a Table of the Farces 
supplied by each State ; fifty-eight regiments in 

To the Baron de Steuben the Ameri- 
cans owe their military code, and all 
the earlier regulations which appeared 
for discipline and exercise. They are 
very much like those which have been 
adopted by the military in Austria and 
some of the Courts of Germany, where 
this General officer served before com- 
ing to America. 

Their manoeuvres are confined to 
breaking by platoons or divisions, march- 
ing in column, forming in line of battle 
and marching in this order, but without 
the least idea of alignment. 



Their troops, but little disciplined in 
general, are extremely so under arms. 
There is perfect order and quiet on 
the march. The greater part of the 
officers seem to like their profession, 
and study it. 

Whipping is the punishment most in 
use among the Americans, particularly 
for desertion. 

Here follow some Remarks entitled, Notes on 
the Constitution of the. Thirteen United States. 

Supplementary Note — To the intelligent 
researches in France of Mr. Thomas Balch, the 
result of which he published in Paris in 1872 
in a volume entitled Les Francais en Amerique, 
is owing the discovery of the anonymous 
Diary of a French Officer, the translation of 
which is now concluded in these pages. In 
the diary the author expressly states that he was 
an Aid of Rochambeau, and Mr. Balch, in his 
second chapter, shows conclusively that Cromot 
de Bourg was the only Aid whose experience 
answered all the conditions required to establish 
the identity of the writer. In a note to a sub- 
sequent chapter, written after the first part of his 
work was in press, Mr. Balch says that he had 
received from M. Camille Rousset, keeper of the 
archives of the French war department, and 
from M. de Varaigne, Baron du Bourg, and Pre- 
fect of the Palace under the Empire, certain in- 
formation which removed every shadow of doubt. 



Lafayette's wit — His correspond- 
ence is full of his sallies. He was never 
surprised or at a loss for a repartee. 
There are some instances which have a 
bearing upon America. In 1801 he met 
Lord Cornwallis at Paris, who was nego- 
tiating for Peace between England and 
France. " Napoleon said to me, laugh- 
ing, the first time I saw him: 'I warn 
you that Lord Cornwallis pretends that 
you are not yet cured.' ' Of what,' said 
I, quickly, 'of my love for liberty?'" 
On another occasion Napoleon sought to 
draw him to describe his American cam- 
paigns. He answered, 'The greatest 
interests of the universe were there 
decided by the skirmishes of picket 
guards." Nor was he unjust to Napoleon. 
He thus describes him : "I found in his 
conversation in general the simplicity of 
genius, depth of intelligence, and a look 
of sagacity." Editor 

(From the Bradford Club Cut) 

John Randolph — The following ac- 
count from the Salem Gazette of Friday 
last corroborates several of the particu- 
lars which have been mentioned relative 
to the strange performances of our Minis- 
ter to Russia : 

It seems that, contrary to the advice 
of the Court Tailor, he determined to 
appear before the Emperor in his usual 
dress, viz.: a blue coat, buff waistcoat, 
buckskin breeches, and white-top boots, 
with the addition of a large dragoon's 
sword attached to a broad white belt, 
drawn tight around the body and over 
the coat. When presented, the Emperor 
accosted him in French, in which lan- 
guage our buckskin hero not being very 
fluent, he was for once in his life put to 



the v ' non plus." Whether a sensation of 
fear, or reverence, or a mistaken notion 
of propriety gave the impulse, we are 
unable to say, but the fact is, that the 
Ambassador Extraordinary and Minister 
Plenipotentiary fell immediately on both 
knees, and delivered his credentials. 
" Oh ! what a fall was there, my coun- 
trymen"!!! The descendant of Poca- 
hontas ; the pride of the Ancient Do- 
minion j the light and life of Democracy ; 
the Hon. John Randolph, of Roanoke, 
on his marrow bones at the feet of his 
Imperial Majesty, the Czar of all the 
Russias ! Then you and I and all of 
us fell down, for we were all embodied 
and represented in that " bone and 
muscle " emblem of our republic. 

After recovering from his surprise, the 
great Nicholas sent for an interpreter, 
and kindly raised up the lowly ambassa- 
dor, probably "by placing his thumb 
under his chin." " Madame " was then 
asked for, as has been stated, and ac- 
cordingly came in ; but no sooner did 
she behold the queer object that solicited 
her attendance, than she burst into a fit 
of laughter. This, in the opinion of our 
hero, was very amiable, and by way of 
conversation he told her ladyship that 
Mounseer there was the first crowned 
head before whom he ever had the honor 
of appearing. 

The Ambassadors of foreign powers 
have all called upon Mr. R., but he not 
only refuses them admittance, but even 
forbids Juba to bring up their cards. 
He says that Congress has made no 
provision for his embassy, and that the 
President gave directions to draw upon 
him personally for his expenses. That 
he was only ordered to remain six 

months at St. Petersburg, and he has 
then promised to travel where he chooses 
at the public expense. His health ap- 
pears to be fast failing, and when our 
informant left, he intended to embark in 
a steamboat for Lubec, and from thence 
go to Paris. The faithful Juba says, 
" Massa never was half so crazy." Many 
of the details of Mr. Randolph's per- 
verse conduct on shipboard, though 
curious, are better left untold. His arro- 
gance, his ridiculous malice in charging 
the captain and other officers with steal- 
ing his hams and porter, and the scarcely 
justifiable revenge habitually taken of 
him by the petty officers for his insults 
to their superiors, by plying him with 
liquor till he could not stand — all these 
things are well known at St. Petersburg, 
but are somewhat too gross for extended 
recital. — New York Spectator, Saturday, 
JVovetnber 13, 1830. Iulus 

TION — A discovery has recently been 
made in Germany, which may prove of 
considerable importance in adding to 
the original material for the history of 
our Revolutionary War. It is the manu- 
script diary of one of the Hessian officers 
who served in the British army in this 
country from 1776 to 1780. From the 
extracts published in a German military 
journal, it would appear to give a very 
full account of all the daily incidents of 
camp life, the rumors and news received 
from day to day, but especially of the 
expeditions and engagements in which 
the writer, apparently a Capt. F. von der 
Malsburg, took part. It is to be hoped 
that the manuscript will find its way to 
this country, and be published by one of 



our historical societies. — From the Lit- 
erary World, Boston, November, 1878. 

A new york heroine — New York, 
April 5, 1762. With Capt. Nicholson 
from Martinico, came Passenger Mrs. 
Shute, a Woman of this Place, Widow of 
Sergeant Shute, of the Batallion of Royal 
Americans. When our Forces landed at 
Martinico, the Women not being allowed 
to go on Shore, she dressed herself in 
Men's Cloathes, and accompanied her 
Husband, who was killed by her side. 

St. memin's portraits — The orig- 
inal crayon sketch of Thomas Boiling 
Robertson, by St. Memin, number 614 
of Dexter's photographic reproductions, 
is in the possession of his brother, the 
Hon. Wyndham Robertson, of Abing- 
don, Virginia, who was Territorial At- 
torney-General of Louisiana, and its 
first Governor. R. S. R. 

Fort Wayne, Indiana 

Monocasy manor — Frederic City, 
Md. — An ancient Ms. " Minute Book," 
under date of 1762, giving a list of its 
plantation leases and holders as far back 
as 1741, having recently been handed 
me by a friend connected with it by 
family inheritance, and often early so- 
journs there, has led to some inquiry con- 
cerning the history of this once rather 
famous old manorial estate. The little 
book is prefaced with a brief sketch of the 
extent, bounds and soil, quality of the 
land, health, &c, which we omit. Then 
we read as follows : " The great tracts 
of Mr. Dulany's and Mr. Addison's lies 
below the Manor. On the east side of 

the River (the Potomac) is the tract 
called Tucker's Chance, upon which 
Frederic town is built," &c. The proprie- 
tor of this Manor, shortly after the Revo- 
lution, was Captain William Campbell, of 
Annapolis, a member of the Society of the 
Cincinnati, and Agent of Confiscated 
Properties after the close of the war. 
He was a son of the Rev. Isaac Camp- 
bell, who was ordained by the Bishop of 
London, and came to the Colonies under 
the S. P. G. He was the author of a 
work on the Prophecies, which was lost 
on its way to England for publication. 
He married one of the nine daughters of 
the Rev. Dr. Brown, also an Episcopal 
clergyman of Maryland, and the first 
who began to take tobacco as his salary, 
in lieu of money. The nine sisters were 
all married, and into the first families of 
the Province. James Cunningham, Esq., 
who came to this country from Scotland 
in 181 2, and a son of Sir William Alex- 
ander Fairlie (originally Cunningham) 
of Fairlie House, married Catherine, a 
daughter of Captain William Campbell, 
then of Monocasy Manor, and the mother 
of Mrs. Rev. Dr. Sile, now of Philadel- 
phia, by whom we have been courteously 
favored with the foregoing facts. 

W. H. 

Boston manna — On Sunday we had 
a severe N. E. storm, and the greatest 
fall of rain which has been experienced for 
some time. Yesterday morning thous- 
ands of live fish of two or three different 
species, from one inch to four inches 
long, some belonging to fresh and some 
to salt water, were found on Boston 
Common. Numbers were carried away 
in pails and pitchers by the inhabitants, 



and many have been preserved alive in 
fish globes. — Boston Palladium, Tuesday, 
May 19, 1818. Petersfield 


Badge of merit — What was the 
Badge of Merit granted to Revolutionary 
soldiers ? I found on a discharge of 
Allyn Fox, 2d Connecticut Regiment, 
given by General Washington, the fol- 
lowing : 

"The above Allyn Fox has been hon- 
ored with a Badge of Merit for 6 years' 
faithful service." J. Hurst, Col. All 
the words except the name and time of 
service, are printed, like the body of the 

Albany B. F. 

Remains of fort' lee on hudson — 
Can you inform me whether the sites of 
the two forts at Fort Lee are still in 
existence, or have they been cut away ? 
It seems to me that about twenty-five 
years ago there were some remains of 
the southern fort to be seen, but a friend 
tells me that I must have been mistaken. 
How far north of the larger fort was the 
small fort ? 

New York C. W. 

New york buildings — Of what build- 
ings are the walls and embankments just 
north of 111th Street, and between 8th 
and 9th Avenues, the remains ? They 
are not, I know, very old, but I have not 
yet found any one who knows to what 
building they belonged. 

New York C. W. 

Ireland (and first cousin to David Hay- 
field and Captain Gustavus Conyngham 
of Revolutionary fame), it is stated that 
David Plunket, his brother, emigrated to 
America and served with great distinction 
with General Washington in the war for 
independence, and afterwards realized a 
considerable fortune as a merchant. He 
died at sea en route for Ireland from the 
West Indies, leaving ^£40,000 to be 
divided between the lady to whom he 
was engaged and his brother, Lord Plun- 
ket. Was he the Lieutenant Plunket 
who so distinguished himself at the 
battle of Long Island ? (Moore's Diary, 
I., 297.) Who was the lady to whom 
he was engaged ? I will be grateful 
for any references that may lead to 
any account of his life 

Horace Edwin Hayden 
Wilkes Barre, Pa. 

Pollock — No reply having been 
elicited by my former queries under this 
head, I venture a third, which may be 
successful. Daniel Clarke in his Proofs 
of the Corruption of General James 
Wilkinson, gives a letter (p. 152) dated 
1807, in which, among those inimical to 
Aaron Burr in New Orleans, are named 
" the two Pollocks ." Who were these 
two Pollocks? On page 164 he also 
notes George Pollock, Justice of the 
Peace. Who was this George ? Hon. 
Oliver Pollock was not in New Orleans 
after 1794. From 1806 to 1820 he 
resided in Baltimore, Md. 

IVilkes Barre, Pa. H. E. H. 

David plunket — In the Life of Wm. 
Conyngham Plunket, Lord Chancellor of 

Ordnance of the revolution — 
What was its greatest range in 1781 ? 





Catured cannon at yorktown — 
[VI. 157, VII. 65] I send the following 
sketch of two guns captured October 19, 
1 781, with the hope that some of your 
correspondents may be able to give 
some account of their history prior to 
the memorable siege. 

The piece of ordnance which I will 
designate as No. 1 was presented by 
General George Washington to the 
Chatham Artillery of Savannah, Georgia, 
on his visit to that city in 1791, and has 
been in their possession from that time 
to the present. On the base of the 
breech is the following name and date : 
"A Strasbourg Par. J. Berrenger 1758." 
In front of the vent an ornament of 
furled flags, with spear heads surmounted 
by a crown ; in the centre of the flags a 
round ornament, with four diamond 
shaped pieces in same ; next to this 
the figure of the sun. Between the 
trunnions are two ornamented handles, 
representing dolphins. In the rear of 
these handles is a scroll, with the motto, 
"Nee Pluribus Impar." Forward of 
the handles is a raised ornament, repre- 
senting a bursting bomb, throwing out 
arrows and darts, some of which are 
straight, others irregular in shape ; next, 
a scroll with motto, " Ratio Ultima 
Regum." Near the swell of the muzzle 
is found the name of the piece, " La 
Populaire." This piece was evidently 
captured by the British from the French 
previous to the siege of Yorktown. 
Could it have formed a part of the ar- 
mament of the Guadaloupe ? The 
dolphins on the handles would indicate 
that the gun was intended for the navy. 

No. 2 was also presented to the Chat- 

ham artillery by Washington in 1791. 
On the base of the breech is *' R. Gilpin r 
Fecit 1756," and the figures "4 — 2 — 15;" 
in front of the vent the letters G. R. in 
monogram, with figure 2 in first letter ; 
then the British crown with a Maltese 
cross ; between the trunnions, a crown 
and scroll with " Honi soit qui mal y 
pense;" near the swell of the muzzle, 
11 Surrendered by the Capitulation of 
Yorktown, Oct. 19th, 1781. 

These guns are remarkably well pre- 
served, and have been mounted upon 
handsome carriages by their proud pos- 
sessors, the Chatham Artillery. 

This old battery (organized in 1786) 
intend being present with their "pets" 
at Yorktown to take part in the celebra- 
tion, and the curious in such matters can 
thus have an opportunity of inspecting 
the relics. 

C. Ridgely Goodwin 


Old houses on the kingsbridge 
road— (IV. 460) The Blue Bell. The 
topographical map fronting the article 
entitled The Battle of Harlem Plains, 
(IV. 350) doubtless gives the true situ- 
ation of the old Blue Bell Tavern on 
this road, viz., directly east of Fort Wash- 
ington. Our authority is Mr. Blaze Ryer, 
an old citizen, who was born across the 
way, and has lived on the spot all his life. 
His grandfather Bauers, who married a 
sister of Blazius Moore, New York's an- 
cient tobacconist, lived on the west side 
of the Kingsbridge road, at its junction 
with the lane now connecting it with the 
Bennett place — previously Mr. Henry 
O'Rielly's — which is on the exact site of 
the old fort. The Blue Bell stood on 



the east side of the road, and right oppo- 
site the old yellow house now standing 
south of iSist street. It was demol- 
ished about the year 1820. 

The Cross Keys, the very old stone 
house on this road, at about 165th street, 
also mentioned by Mr. Campbell, is 
probably the only survivor of the out- 
ward Revolutionary inns. It was tra- 
ditionally one of Washington's stopping- 
places, and was known as the Cross 
Keys, by reason of two keys being 
crossed on the sign-board. It is said to 
have been kept by David Wares. 

The Dyckman House, the only real 
Dutch farm-house extant on this road, 
standing not far from the twelfth 
mile-stone, was bui'.t by Jacob Dyck- 
man — as we are told by Isaac M. Dyck- 
man, the present representative of 
the name at Kingsbridge — and just 
after the close of the war, the original 
family mansion being burned by the 
enemy. The said Dyckman, a very en- 
terprising and wealthy man, was the 
projector of the bridge across Harlem 
river, sometimes called by his name, and 
owned the land on which the large hotel 
at Kingsbridge now stands. The old 
one stood on about the same foundation, 
and was burnt down some forty years 
ago. Fifty-five years ago, it is remem- 
bered as kept by James Devoe. General 
Heath, in his Memoirs, speaks of it 
as Hyatt's Tavern. This was in 1777. 
Devoe subsequently hired it of one 
Jacob Hyatt. Doubtless it was called 
sometimes Dyckman's tavern, from the 
Dyckman ownership. 

The McCotnb House, at Kingsbridge, 
long the property of Joseph Godwin, 
Esq., is said to have been used as a 

tavern during the Revolution, and Mrs. 
Robert McComb was accustomed to 
point out to her guests one of the upper 
rooms as once the lodging room of Gen- 
eral Washington. The venerable Dr. 
Bibby. of Cortlandt House, states that 
this property was purchased, shortly 
after the close of the war of indepen- 
dence, of the heirs of Eden Metcalf by 
Alexander McComb. of Xew York, the 
father of General Alexander McComb. 
of the United States Army. 

The Black Horse. The old rookery 
near Inwood church, once called the 
Black Horse tavern, was built within the 
memory of an aged matron living in the 
vicinity. The original Black Horse tav- 
ern of the Revolution was situated near 
McGown's Pass, and so indicated in the 
appendix to Mr. Stevens' article before 
referred to (IV. 370). This is also certi- 
fied by the venerable Mr. S. B. McGown 
(so spelled by the family], now living on 
ic6th street, near the Third avenue. He 
states that it was standing in 18 12. 

The Century House. The oldest farm- 
house now standing on or near the 
Kingsbridge road, is that known as "the 
Century House." It is on the Harlem 
river bank, and belongs to the ancient 
Xagle family, original landholders of 
that part of the island with the Dyck- 
mans. Its date, marked on a stone in- 
serted in the front wall. is. if we remem- 
ber right, 1734. It is described by W. 
C Smith in his article on the Roger 
Morris House (Mag. of Am. Hist., VI. 
103). Wm. Hall 

The blue bell tavern — [IV. 460; 
V. 142 : VI. 64, 223, 300.] As no Revo- 
lutionary hostelry was more noted than 


this, its exact position should rwt be a 
mooted point. But yet the contrary is 
true. My statement [VI. 64] places it 
on the east side of the old Kingsbridge 
road, but Mr. Wilson Can- Smith's valu- 
able topographical article [VI. 103] en 
the west. So, also, "Fort George" 
[VI. 223], who opens fire on my posi- 
tion, asserts that I have located the 
Blue Bell " on the wrong side of the 
road," and that ** it not east 

of the highway." But do these gen- 
tlemen M know whereof they affirm ? *' 
With due deference, I think not, for 
I have certain evidence that the old 
tavern was burned down in 1819 or '20, 
and all the local living testimonies are 
against their view. One of these is that of 
Isaac M. Dyckman, Esq., of Inwood, who 
in a last year's note, thus testifies : u The 
Blue Bell Tavern was located on the east 
side of the road at the present t8isi 
St." So, also, Mr. Blazius Ryer, prob- 
ably the oldest native living resident of 
Washington Heights, whose intelligent 
testimony, at more length, is as follows : 
"Its location was on the east side of the 
Kingsbridge road, right opposite my 
grandmother's house, still standing. Her 
brother, Blazius Moore, bought the farm 
just previous to the yellow fever in Nei 
York, and moved out there. The house 
was burnt down by an old crazy colored 
woman, and what was left ( if any good) 
was used in a house he built on the 
property that still stands there. The 
broken bricks that were of no use, were 
piled against the old road wall, and lots 
of them remain there still. This house 
is owned by his grandson, Mr. Charles 
S. Chesbrough. The old tavern, just in 
the now iSist St., iras burnt down the 

year he bought it, and he came into pos- 
session the year following, moving there 
during the summv 

The Blue Bell and its grounds hav- 
ing thus fallen into the hands of a 
near family kinsman, certainly n< 
dence in this matter can be more un- 
impeachable than Mr. Ryer's, just given 
in. But add to this a still later confirma- 
tory statement of an aged lady, who has 
also lived all her life in the neighbor- 
hood, and passed the premises hundreds 
of times in her young womanhood, viz.: 
That u the old Blue Bell Tavern stood 
on the east side 0: the Kingsbridge road," 
and I venture the opinion that the 
question of the position of this famous 
Revolutionary landmark will be decided 
on my side, for all time, nemine contra- 
He. But I must not forget to men- 
tion another fact of importance in this 
connection, made by my venerable friend 
Mr. Dyckman, now chief authority for 
the local history of that part of 
York island, viz. : That the now cor- 
rected M mistake arose from the location 
of another old house about half a mile 
south of the 'Blue Bell," and this house 
was burned down in or about 1846. and 
was on the west side of the road." 

Elizabeth, N. J. W. H. 

Pen and ink portrait of wash 
ton — [VII.. 107] Is not the informa- 
tion which leads Mr. Coleman to sup- 
pose the portrait to have been made by 
Benjamin H. Latrobe erroneous ? The 

-ption states that the portrait 
*' made about 1790." But Latrobe did 
not arrive in the United intil 

1796. Isaac c 

Alleghany. I 





The following documents show the in- 
tention and acts of the Congress of 1781, 
and of that of 1880 in regard to the 
monument to be erected in commemo- 
ration of the alliance of the United States 
with France, and the victory achieved 
at Yorktown by the land and naval 
forces of the two nations : 

In Congress October 24, 1781 

A letter of the 19th October from General 
Washington was read, giving information of the 
reduction of the British army under the com- 
mand of Earl Cornwallis on the 19th inst., with 
a copy of the articles of capitulation, whereupon 
on motion of Mr. Randolph it was 

Resolved, That Congress will at 2 o'clock this day go in 
procession to the Dutch Lutheran Church, and return 
thanks to Almighty God for crowning the allied arms 
of the United States and France with success, by the 
surrender of the whole British army under the command 
of the Earl Cornwallis. 

Ordered, That the letter, with the papers inclosed, be 
referred to the Committee of Intelligence. 

Resolved, That the letter of General Washington of 
the 19th, inclosing the correspondence between him and 
the Earl Cornwallis, concerning the surrender of the 
garrisons of York and Gloucester, and the articles of capi- 
tulation, be referred to a committee of four: the mem- 
bers, Mr. Randolph, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Varnum, Mr. 

Resolved, That it be an instruction to the said com- 
mittee to report what in their opinion will be the most 
proper mode of communicating the thanks of the United 
States, in Congress assembled, to General Washington, 
Count de Rochambeau and Count de Grasse for their 
effectual exertions in accomplishing this illustrious »vork, 
and of paying respect to the merit of Lieutenant-Colonel 
Tilghman, Aide-de-Camp of General Washington, and 
the bearer of his dispatches announcing this happy 

Ordered, That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs com- 
municate this intelligence to the honorable the Minister 
Plenipotentiary of France. 

In Congress October 2d, 178 1 
The committee, consisting of Mr. Wither- 
spoon, Mr. Montgomery Mr. Varnum, Mr. 
Sherman, appointed to prepare a recommenda- 

tion for setting apart a day of public thanks* 
giving and prayer, reported the draught of a 
proclamation which was agreed to as follows : 


Whereas, it hath pleased Almighty God, the father of 
mercies, remarkably to assist and support the United 
States of America in their important struggle for liberty, 
against the long continued efforts of a powerful nation, it 
is the duty of all ranks to observe and thankfully to ao« 
knowledge the interpositions of His providence in theii 
behalf. Through the whole of the contest, from its first 
rise to this time, the influence of Divine Providence may 
be clearly perceived in many signal instances, of which 
we mention but a few. 

In revealing the councils of our enemies, when the dis- 
coveries were seasonable and important, and the means 
seemingly inadequate or fortuitous ; in preserving and 
even improving the union of the several States, on the 
breach of which our enemies place their greatest depen- 
dence ; in increasing the number, and adding to the zeal 
and attachment of the friends of liberty ; in granting re- 
markable deliverances, and blessing us with the most 
signal success, when affairs semeed to have the most dis- 
couraging appearance ; in raising up for us a powerful and 
generous ally, in one of the first of the European powers; 
in confounding the councils of our enemies, and suffering 
them to pursue such measures as have most directly con- 
tributed to frustrate their own desires and expectations ; 
above all, in making their extreme cruelty to the inhabi- 
tants of these states, when in their power, and their 
savage devastation of property, the very means of 
cementing our union, and adding vigor to every effort in 
opposition to them. 

And as we cannot help leading the good people of these 
states to a retrospect on the events which have taken 
place since the beginning of the war, so we recommend in 
a particular manner to their observation, the good- 
ness of God in the year now drawing to a con- 
clusion : in which the confederation of the United 
States has been completed ; in which there have 
been so many instances of prowess and success in 
our armies ; particularly in the southern States, where, 
notwithstanding the difficulties with which they had to 
struggle, they have recovered the whole country which the 
enemy had overrun, leaving them only a post or wo on 
or near the sea,; in which we have been so powerfully and 
effectually assisted by our allies, while in all the conjunct 
operations the most perfect harmony has subsisted in the 
allied army ; in which there has been so plentiful a 
harvest, and so great abundance of the fruits of the earth 
of every kind, as not only enables us easily to supply the 
wants of our army, but gives ;omfort and haopiness to 
the whole people ; and, in which, after the success of our 
allies by sea, a general of the first rank, with his whole 
army, has been captured by the allied forces under the 
direction of our commander-in-chief. 

It is therefore recommended to the several states to set 
apart the 13th day of December next, to be religiously 
observed as a day of thanksgiving and prayer ; that all 



the people may assemble on that day, with grateful hearts, 
to celebrate the praises of our gracious benefactor, to 
confess our manifold sins ; to offer up our most fervent 
supplications to the God of all grace, that it may please 
Him to pardon our offences, and incline our hearts for the 
future to keep all his laws ; to comfort and relieve all our 
brethren who are in distress or captivity ; to prosper our 
husbandmen, and give success to all engaged in lawful 
commerce ; to impart wisdom and integrity to our coun- 
sellors, judgment and fortitude to our officers and soldiers; 
to protect and prosper our illustrious ally, and favor our 
united exertions for the speedy establishment of a safe, 
honorable and lasting peace ; to bless all seminaries of 
learning, and cause the knowledge of God to cover the 
earth, as the waters cover the seas. 

In Congress, October 29, 178 1 

On a report of the committee, consisting of 
Mr. Randolph, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Varnum, Mr. 
Carroll, to whom were referred the letters of the 
1 6th and 19th, from General Washington. 

Resolved, That the thanks of the United States in Con- 
gress assembled be presented to his Excellency General 
"Washington for the eminent services which he has ren- 
dered to the United States, and particularly for the well- 
concerted plan against the British garrisons in York and 
Gloucester ; for the vigor, attention and military skill with 
which that plan was executed, and for the wisdom and 
prudence manifested in the capitulation. 

That the thanks of the United States in Congress as- 
sembled be presented to his Excellency Count de Rocham- 
beau for the cordialty, zeal, judgment and fortitude with 
which he seconded and advanced the progress of the allied 
army against the British garrison in York. 

That the thanks of the United States in Congress as- 
sembled be presented to his Excellency Count de Grasse 
for his skill and bravery in attacking and defeating the 
British fleet off the Bay of Chesapeake, and for his zeal 
and alacrity in rendering, with the fleet under his com- 
mand, the most effectual and distinguished aid and sup- 
port to the operations of the allied army in Virginia. 

That the thanks of the United States in Congress as- 
sembled be presented to the commanding and other officers 
•of the Corps of Artillery and Engineers of the allied 
army, who sustained extraordinary fatigue and danger in 
their animated and gallant approaches to the lines of the 

That General Washington be directed to communicate 
to the other officers and the soldiers under his command 
the thanks of the United States, in Congress assembled, 
for their conduct and valor on this occasion. 

Resolved, That the United States, in Congress assem- 
bled, will cause to be erected, at York, in Virginia, a 
marble column, adorned with emblems of the alliance be- 
tween the United States and his Most Christian Majesty, 
and inscribed with a succinct narrative of the surrender 
of Earl Cornwallis to his Excellency General Washing- 
ton, Commander-in-Chief of the combined forces of 
America and France, to his Excellency the Count de 

Rochambeau, commanding the auxiliary troops of his 
Most Christian Majesty in America, and his Excellency 
the Count de Grasse, commanding in chief the naval army 
of France in the Chesapeake. 

Resolved, That two stands of colors, taken from the 
British army under the capitulation of York, be presented 
to his Excellency General Washington, in the name of 
the United States in Congress assembled. 

Resolved, That two pieces of the field ordinance, taken 
from the British army under the capitulation of York, be 
presented by the Commander-in-chief of the American 
army to Count de Rochambeau, and that there be en- 
graved thereon a short memorandum, that Congress were 
induced to present them from considerations of the illus- 
trious part which he bore in effectuating the surrender. 

Resolved, That the Secretary of Foreign Affairs be di- 
rected to request the Minister Plenipotentiary of His 
Most Christian Majesty to inform His Majesty that it is 
the wish of Congress that Count de Grasse may be per- 
mitted to accept a testimonial of their approbation similar 
to that to be presented to Count de Rochambeau. 

Resolved, That the Board of War be directed to pre- 
sent to Lieutenant Colonel Tilghman, in the name of the 
United States in Congress assembled, a horse properly 
caparisoned and an elegant sword in testimony of their 
high opinion of his merits and ability. 

In Congress, November 3, 1781 
Advice being received that a messenger was 
arrived from headquarters with despatches, the 
president resumed the chair, and Col. Humphrey, 
one of the General's aids, was introduced, and 
delivered a letter from the General, dated the 
27th and 29th of October, containing returns of 
prisoners, artillery, arms, ordnance and other 
stores, surrendered by the enemy, in their posts 
of York and Gloucester, on the 19th October ; 
he also laid before Congress 24 standards taken 
at the same time, and a draught of those posts, 
with the plan of attack and defence, and then 

Ordered, That the returns be published, and that the 
letter, with the other papers enclosed, be referred to the 
committee to whom was referred the General's letter of 
the 19th of October. 

Washington to the President of Congress 

Head Quarters near York, 
October 27, 1781 
Sir: I do myself the honour to enclose to Your Excel- 
lency copies of returns of prisoners, artillery, arms, 
ordnance, and other stores, surrendered by the enemy in 
their posts at York and Gloucester on the 19th instant, 
which were not completed at the time of my despatches, 
and are but this moment handed to me. A draft of these 
posts, with the plan of attack and defence is also trans- 



mitted ; and twenty-four standards taken at the same 
time are ready to be laid before Congress. * * * 


* * My present despatch being important I have 
committed them to the care of Colonel Humphreys, one 
of my aids-de-camp, whom, for his attention, fidelity and 
good service, I beg leave to recommend to the notice of 
Congress and to your Excellency. 

I have the honour to be, Sir, 

Your Excellency's most obedient, 
humble servant, 

Go. Washington 

In Congress, November 7, 1781 

On motion of Mr. Randolph, seconded by Mr. 

Resolved, That the Secretary for Foreign Affairs be 
directed to prepare a sketch of emblems of the alliance 
between His Most Christian Majesty and the United 
States, proper to be inscribed on the marble column to be 
erected in the town of York, under the resolution of tbe 
29th October last. 

On a report of a committee, consisting of Mr. 
Randolph, Mr. Boudinot, Mr. Varnum, Mr. 
Carroll, to whom was referred the letter of 27th 
October from General Washington, 

Resolved, That an elegant sword be presented, in the 
name of the United States in Congress assembled, to 
Colonel Humphrey, Aide-de-Camp of General Wash- 
ington, to whose care the standards taken under the 
capitulation of York were consigned, as a testimony of 
their opinion of his fidelity and ability, and that the 
Board of War take order thereon. 

Ordered, That further consideration of the subject be 

The following are extracts from the 
correspondence between Robert R. Liv- 
ingston, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, 
with Benjamin Franklin, the Minister 
of the United States to France, and the 
Chevalier de la Luzerne, the Ambassa- 
dor of Louis XVI. to the United States: 

Livingston to Franklin 

Philadelphia, December j6, 1781. 
I enclose a resolution of Congress tor erecting a pillar 
to commemorate the victory at Yorktown. I Jiust re- 
quest your assistance in enabling me to carry it into effect, 
so far as it relates to me, by sending the sketch they 
require with an estimate of the expense with which it 
will be attended. I could wish it to be such as may do 
honour to the nations whose union it designs to celebrate, 
and for that reason should think the execution ought to 
be deferred till our finances are in a better situation than 

they are at present ; but as this lies with Congress only, 
you will be so obliging as to enable me to do my duty by 
laying the sketch before them as soon as you can con- 
veniently get the same executed. 

Franklin to Livingston 

Passv, March 4, 1782 
I will endeavor to procure a sketch of an emblem for 
the purpose you mention. This puts me in mind of a 
medal I have had a mind to strike since the last great 
event you gave me an account of, representing the 
United States by the figure of an infant Hercules in his 
cradle strangling the two serpents, and France by that of 
Minerva, sitting by as his nurse, with her spear and hel- 
met, and her robe specked with a few fleicrs de lis. The 
extinguishment of two entire armies in one war is what 
has rarely happened, and it gives a presage of the future 
force of our growing empire. 

Livingston to Franklin 

Philadelphia, May 30, 1782 
I am charmed with your idea of a medal to perpetuate 
the memory of York and Saratoga. The thought is 
simple, elegant and strikingly expressive of the subject. 
I cannot, however, but flatter myself that before it can 
be executed your Hercules will have tasked your inven- 
tion for a new emblem. 

Franklin to Livingston 

Passy, August 12, 1782 

Your approbation of my idea of a medal to perpetuate 
the memory of York and Saratoga victories gives me 
great pleasure, and encourages me to have it struck. 

I wish you would acquaint me with what kind of a 
monument at York the emblems required are to be fixed 
on — whether an obelisk or a column — its dimensions, 
whether any part of it is to be of marble, and the em- 
blems carved on it — and whether the work is to be 
executed by the excellent artists in that way which Paris 
affords, and if so, to what expense they are to be limited. 

Franklin to Livingston 

Passy, April 15, 1783 
I have caused to be struck here the medal which 
1 formerly mentioned to you, the design of which you 
seemed to approve. I enclose one in silver for the Presi- 
dent of Congress, and one in copper for yourself. The 
impression in copper is thought to appear best and you 
will soon receive a number for the members. [ have 
presented one to the King and another to the Queen, 
both in gold, and one in silver to each of the ministers, 
as a monumental acknowledgment, which may go down 
to future ages, of the obligations we are under to this 
nation. It is mighty well eceived, and gives general 
pleasure, if the Congress approve of it, as I hope they 
will, I may add something on the die (for those to be 
struck hereafter), to show that it was done by their order, 
which I could not venture to do till I had authority for 


B. Franklin 

(From the accepted design) 



Livingston ro Li zerne 
Office or Foreign Affairs, Nov. 2, 1781 
It is with peculiar pleasure that I obey the direc- 
tions of Congress in making communications which show 
their sense of the exertions of their ally and of the merit 
of the officers he employs. The confidence inspired by 
the first and the esteem excited by the last form new 
bands of union between nations whom reciprocal interests 
had before connected. In this view I flatter myself the 
inclosed acts of Congress will be agreeable to you, and 
that you will with pleasure communicate to His Most 
Christian Majesty their desire, with his permission, to 
present to the Count de Grasse two pieces of field ord- 
nance taken from the enemy at York, with inscriptions 
calculated to show that Congress were induced to present 
them from considerations of the illustrious part which he 
bore in effectuating the surrender. 

Luzerne to Livingston 

Philadelphia, November 4, 1781 

I have received the letter with which you hon- 
ored me on the 2d inst., with the resolutions of Congress 
of the 28th October, which accompanied it. I have no 
doubt that they will be most agreeable to his Majesty, 
and that he will learn with pleasure that the remembrance 
of the success obtained by the allied armies is to be pre- 
served by a column, on which a relation of this event 
will be inscribed and mention made of the alliance. I 
shall be glad before any further resolutions are taken on 
the subject to communicate to you some ideas relative to 
this monument. It is so honorable to the two nations and 
so well adapted to perpetuate the remembrance of their 
union, that we ought to be mutually desirous of giving it 
all the solidity and durability of which the works of man 
are susceptible. 

Livingston to Luzerne 

Philadelphia, November 6, 1781. 

Having been honored with your letter of the 4th 
instant, I remark with pleasure that the mode in which 
Congress propose to perpetuate the success obtained by 
the allied armies at York is such as will in your opinion 
be agreeable to His Most Christian Majesty. As Con- 
gress must concur with you in wishing to render this 
monument of the alliance and of the military virtues of 
the combined forces as lasting, if possible, as the advan- 
tages they may reasonably hope to reap from both, they 
will without doubt pay all due deference to any ideas you 
may think proper to suggest relative to the manner of 
carrying the resolution of the 28th of October into effect. 
I shall receive, sir, with pleasure, and submit to Congress, 
any communications that you will do me honor to make 
on this subject. 


On the 3d December, 1879, on motion of Mr. 
Goode of Virginia, the following preamble and 
resolution were read, considered and agreed to : 

Whereas, on Monday, the 29th day of October, 1781, 

it was "Resolved, That the United States, in C01 
assembled, will cause to be erected at York in Virginia a 
marble column, adorned with emblems of the alliance 
between the United States and his mo.->t Christian Ma- 
jesty, and inscribed with a succinct narrative of the 
surrender of Earl Cornwallis to his Excellency General 
Washington, Commander-in-Chief of the combined 
forces of America and France ; to his Excellency the 
Count de Rochambeau, commanding the auxiliary troops 
of his most Christian Maje>ty in America, and his Excel- 
lency the Count de Grasse, commanding in chief the 
naval army of France in the Chesapeake ; " and 

Whereas, that resolution has not been carried into 
effect, and the pledge of the nation, made nearly one 
hundred years ago, remains as yet unfulfilled ; and 

Whereas, it is eminently proper that the centennial 
anniversary of the decisive victory achieved by Wash- 
ington and the continental army, with the assistance of 
their French allies, at Yorktown, should be appropriateiy 
celebrated by the American people therefore, 

Resolved, That a select committee of thirteen be 
appointed by the Speaker, whose duty it shall be to 
inquire into the expediency of appropriating a suitable 
sum to be expended, under the direction of the Secretary 
of War, in erecting at Yorktown in Virginia the monu- 
ment referred to in the aforesaid resolution of Congress, 
and of making the necessary arrangements, in conjunction 
with the authorities of the State of Virginia, for an ap- 
propriate celebration by the American people on the 19th 
day of October, 1881, for the surrender of the British 
forces under Lord Cornwallis ; and that said committee 
have leave to report, by bill or otherwise, at any time. 

On the 19th December, 1879, the Speaker of 
the House announced the appointment of the 
Committee called for by the resolution : 

John Goode, of Virginia, Chairman ; J. G. Hall, of 
New Hampshire ; George B. Loring, of Massachusetts 
N. W. Aldrich, of Rhode Island ; Joseph R. Hawley, of 
Connecticut ; Nicholas Muller, of New York ; Lewis A. 
Brigham, of New Jersey ; Samuel B. Dick, of Pennsyl- 
vania: E. L. Martin, of Delaware; J. F. C. Talbott, of 
Maryland; Joseph J. Davis, of North Carolina; John S. 
Richardson, of South Carolina, and Henry Persons, of 

A bill was introduced into and passed by the 
House, January 27, 1880, and with amendments, 
made by the Senate, June I, concurred in by the 
House, was approved June 7, 1880: 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House 0/ Representa- 
tives 0/ the United States 0/ America, in Congress 
assembled, That the sum of $ieo,ooo, or so much thereof 
as may be necessary, be, and the same is hereby appro- 
priated, out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise 
appropriated, to be expended, under the direction of the 
Secretary of War, in erecting at Yorktown, in Virginia, 
the monument referred to in the aforesaid resolution of 



Provided, however, that the material used may be such 
as the Secretary of War may deem most appropriate and 

Sec. 2 That a commission of three persons shall be 
appointed by the Secretary of War, whose duty it shall 
be to recommend a suitable design for said monument, 
to prepare a sketch of emblems of the alliance between 
his Most Christian Majesty and the United States, and a 
succinct narrative of the surrende'r of Earl Cornwallis to 
be inscribed on the same, subject to the approval and 
adoption of the Select Committee of Thirteen appointed 
by the Speaker of the House of Representatives, on the 
19th of December, 1879, and of thirteen Senators to be 
appointed by the presiding officer of the Senate ; to in- 
quire into the expediency of appropriating a suitable sum 
to be expended in erecting at Yorktown, in Virginia, the 
monument referred to. 

Sec 3. That it shall be the duty of the said Joint 
Committee to select the site for the location of said mon- 
ument, to obtain the cession of the same from the State 
of Virginia, and to make all the necessary arrangements 
for such a celebration by the American people of the 
Centennial Anniversary of the battle of Yorktown on the 
19th of October, 1881, as shall befit the historical signifi- 
cance of that event and the present greatness of the 

Sec! 4. That the sum of $20,000, or so much thereof 
as may be necessary, be hereby appropriated, out of any 
money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, for 
the purpose of defraying the expenses incurred in the 
said Centennial celebration, and to be disbursed under 
the direction of the said Joint Committee. 

The President of the Senate appointed the 
following committee : 

John W. Johnston, Chairman, of Virginia ; Rollins, of 
New Hampshire ; Dawes, of Massachusetts ; Anthony, 
of Rhode Island ; Eaton, of Connecticut ; Kernan, of 
New York ; Wallace, of Pennsylvania ; Randolph, of 
New Jersey ; Bayard, of Delaware ; Whyte, of Mary- 
land ; Ransom, of North Carolina ; Butler, of South 
Carolina, and Hill of Georgia. 

The monument is to be built under 
the personal supervision of Col. Craig- 
hill. Messrs. R. Hunt and J. Q. A. 
Ward, of New York, and Henry Van 
Brunt, of Boston, who were appointed 
by the Secretary of War to prepare a 
design of the proposed monument, have 
completed this work and submitted a 
report. From the architectural point of 
view, the monument is composed of 
three principal points. The first is a 
base, which, with its stylobate and its 
pediments, is 37 feet high, and occupies 

an area 38 feet square upon the ground. 
The second is a highly sculptural po- 
dium, 25^ feet high and 13 feet in 
diameter, in the form of a drum support- 
ing a column. This latter, which is part 
third, is 60 feet high and at the base 7^ 
feet in diameter. This shaft, for the 
sake of economy, is composed of a suc- 
cession of drums or courses of masonry 
giving practical reasons for a departure 
from the conventional treatment which 
belongs to monolithic shafts. The joints 
are masked by four bands, decorated 
with laurel leaves and justified by a 
decoration of stars symmetrically dis- 
posed upon them and breaking the out- 
line of the column. From the symboli- 
cal point of view, the monument is in- 
tended to convey, in architectural lan- 
guage, the idea set forth in the dedica- 
tory inscription that by the victory at 
Yorktown the independence of the 
United States of America was achieved 
or brought to final accomplishment. 

The four sides of the base contain, 
first, an inscription dedicating the mon- 
ument as a memorial of the victory ; 
second, an inscription representing a 
succinct narrative of the siege, prepared 
in accordance with the original archives 
in the Department of State ; third, the 
treaty of alliance with the King of 
France, and, fourth, the treaty of peace 
with the King of England. In the 
pediments, over these four sides, respec- 
tively, are presented, carved in relief, 
emblems of nationality, of war, of the 
alliance, and of peace. The base is thus 
devoted to the historical statement. It 
explains the subsequent incidents of the 
monumental composition, which are in- 
tended to appeal solely to the imagina- 



tion. The immediate result of the his- 
torical events written upon the base was 
the happy establishment of a national 
Union of 13 youthful, free, and inde- 
pendent States. To celebrate this joyful 
union the sculptor has represented upon 
the circular podium which arises from 
the base a solemn dance of 13 typical 
female figures, hand in hand, encircling 
a drum, which bears upon a belt beneath 
their feet the words, " One country, one 
Constitution, one destiny." It is a sym- 
bol of the birth of freedom. 

The following are the inscriptions 
submitted by the commission for the four 
sides of the column : 

North Side — Erected in pursuance of a resolution of 
Congress adopted October 29, 17S1, and an act of Con- 
gress June 7, 1880, to commemorate the victory by which 
the Independence of the United States of America was 
achieved. South Side— At York, on October 19, 1781, 
after a siege of nineteen days by 5,500 American, and 
7,000 French troops of the Line, 3.500 Virginia militia, 
under command of General Thomas Kelson, and 36 
French Ships of War. Earl Cornwallis, Commander of 
British forces at York and Gloucester, surrendered his 
army. 7,251 officers and men, 840 seamen, 244 cannon, 
and 24 standards, to his excellency, George Washington, 
Commander-in-Chief of the combined forces of America 
and France ; to his excellency, the Comte de Rocham- 
beau, commanding the auxiliary troops of his most Chris- 
tian majesty in America ; and to his excellency, the 
Comte de Grasse, Commanding in Chief the naval army 
of France in Chesapeake. East Side — The provisional 
articles of peace concluded November 30, 1782, and the 
definitive treaty of peace concluded September 3, 1783, 
between the United States of America and George III., 
the King of Great Britain and Ireland, declare: His 
Britannic Majesty acknowledges the said United States, 
viz.: New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay. Rhode Island 
and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New 

Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, 
North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, to be free, 
sovereign, and independent States. West Side — The 
treaty concluded February 6, 1778, between the United 
States of America and Louis XVI., King of France, de- 
clares : The essential and direct end of the present defen- 
sive alliance, is to maintain effectually the liberty, 
sovereignty and independence, absolute and unlimited, of 
the said United States, as well in matters of government 
as of commerce. 

Description of the Franklin Medal 
Libertas Americana 

From Zoubat's Medallic History of the United 

Libertas Americana. R. Non sine diis 
animosus infans. 

Libertas Americana (Americati Lib- 
erty) — The head of a beautiful maiden 
facing the left, with dishevelled hair 
floating in the wind; and with the rod of 
liberty, surmounted by the Phrygian cap, 
on her right shoulder. Exergue, 4 Juil, 
1776. On edge of bust, Dupre F. (fecit). 

Non Sine Diis Animosus Infans 
(T/ie courageous child was aided by the 
gods) — The infant Hercules (America), 
in his cradle, is strangling two serpents, 
while Minerva (France) stands by, hel- 
meted and with spear in her right hand, 
ready to strike a leopard (England), 
whose attacks she wards off with her 
shield, decked with the lilies of France. 
Exergue, \l — Oct j"[ Dupre F. (fecit). 





The first formal action taken towards inviting 
the participation of the government of the 
French Republic in the celebration of the victory 
of Yorktown was by the Rhode Island State So- 
ciety of the Cincinnati at its annual meeting in 
the State House at Providence on the 5th July, 
1SS0, when the following resolution Avas 
adopted : 

Rhode Island State Society of Cincinnati 

Newport, June 20th, 1881 

Whereas, it has been proposed by the executive au- 
thorities in several of the original thirteen States of the 
Union, to celebrate, in an appropriate manner, on the 
ground, on the 19th October, 1881, the Centennial of the 
Siege of Yorktown, Va., and Surrender of the British 
Army, under Lieut.-General Earl Cornwallis, to the 
allied French and American Armies, under his excellency 
General Washington, and the Surrender, at the same 
time, of the British naval force to the cooperating French 
fleet under Lieut. -Gen. Comte de Grasse, and Whereas, 
this great event, which had so much influence in securing 
American independence, was due, largely, to the efficient 
and gallant cooperation of the auxiliary army and navy 
of P ranee and Whereas, it seems peculiarly appropriate 
that the armies and navies of the two governments should 
be suitably represented at this national celebration of an 
event highly honorable to the allied armies, and 
Whereas, the hereditary members of this Society of 
Cincinnati, as representing the officers of the Rhode Is- 
land Continental Line of the Revolution, recall, with 
special satisfaction, the friendship and harmony which 
existed between the Rhode Island and French officers, 
when the auxiliary army of Lieut.-General Comte de 
Rochambeau, was quartered in this State, and the gener- 
ous rivalry which existed between the French and Ameri- 
can detachments at the siege of Yorktown, on the night 
of the 14th October, 17S1, when the American detach- 
ment, led by a company of the Rhode Island Continental 
Line, and the French detachment, respectively, assaulted 
and carried the two British redoubts, therefore, 

Resolved : That the Standing Committee of this So- 
ciety respectfully memorialize the Congress of the United 
States, and request that an Act be passed authorizing the 
President to invite the government of the French Re- 
public to send a suitable representation from the French 
army and navy to the Celebration at Yorktown. A Iso, 
that suitable detachments of the army and navy 
of the United States, including Battery F, 4th U. S. 
Artillery, the successor of the Alexander Hamilton Com- 
pany of New York Artillery, at that siege, be sent to 
Yorktown to represent America in the Celebration. And 
that a sufficient sum be appropriated to properly enter- 
tain and provide for such detachments. 

At a meeting of the Standing Committee of 

the Rhode Island State Society at the State 
House at Providence, October 6th, 1SS0, on 
motion of Dr. Turner, the following resolution 
was passed, viz. : 

Resolved: That the President, Nathanael Greene, and 
Prof. Gardner be a committee to prepare a memorial to 
Congress, asking them to invite the French government 
to send a delegation to represent their army and navy at 
the Centennial Celebration of the Capitulation of York- 
town, and to detach from the United States army a select 
corps, for the same occasion, and make an appropriation 
for the expense, according to Resolution of the Society 
of July 5th, 1880. 

In accordance with the resolutions of the So- 
ciety, a memorial was addressed to both Houses 
of Congress, and Judge Advocate Asa Bird 
Gardner, U. S. A. visited Washington, where 
he was heard by the Joint Congressional Com- 
mittee on the Celebration, whereupon the gen- 
eral Society of the Cincinnati was requested tc 
appoint a delegate to confer with the commis- 
sion, and the following joint resolution was 
passed by Congress and approved by the Presi- 
dent on the iSth February', 1SS1 : 

Public Resolution No. 13 
Joint Resolution, authorizing and requesting the Presi- 
dent to extend to the Government and people of France 
and the family of General Lafayette an invitation to 
join the Government and people of the United States- 
in the observance of the Centennial Anniversary of the 
Surrender of Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown, Virginia. 
Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives 
of the United States of America, in Congress assembled. 
That the President be, and is hereby authorized arid re- 
quested to extend to the Government and people of 
France, and the family of General Lafayette, a cordial 
invitation to unite with the Government and people of 
the United States, on the nineteenth day of October, 
eighteen hundred and eighty-one, in a fit and appropriate 
observance of the Centennial anniversary of the sur- 
render of Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown. And for the 
purpose of carrying out the provisions of this resolution, 
the sum of twenty thousand dollars is hereby appro- 
priated, out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise 
appropriated, the same, or so much thereof as may be 
necessary, to be expended under the direction of the 
Secretary of State. 


The invitation of the Government of the 
United States being confined to the official 
representatives of the French Republic and the 
family of Lafayette, the Yorktown Centennial 
Association, at a meeting of conference with the 



Commissioners appointed by the Governors of 
the thirteen original States, and the national 
Commissioner appointed by Congress, which 
was held in the Governor's room of the City Hall 
of New York on the 30th May, adopted the fol- 
lowing resolution : 

Whereas, The Government of the United States has 
officially invited the Government of France to take part 
in the celebration of the one-hundredth anniversary of 
the siege and surrender of Yorktown, and the latter has 
signified its intention of participating therein ; Whereas, 
This invitation is an indication of the feelings of grati- 
tude felt by the American nation towards that of France, 
for its material help and sympathy in times of sore 
trouble and anxiety ; Whereas, The celebration by the 
two people of this common anniversary can but accen- 
tuate and increase the present feelings of good will and 
friendliness existing between the two Republics; Where- 
as, It is proper that the representatives of the French, 
who helped to establish finally and forever the success of 
American Independence at the battles before Yorktown, 
should be enabled to witness the development which has 
been the result of the endeavors and self-denial of their 
ancestors. Whereas, It is desired that as many of the 
descendants of those who in any way partook in the op- 
erations before Yorktown should be present, to fitly com- 
memorate the actions of their fathers and visit the scenes 
made memorable by them ; Whereas, The descendants 
of General Lafayette have already been personally in- 
vited, on account of his being an American Major-Gen- 
eral ; and Whereas, This Association represents the part 
of the people at large in the celebration, therefore be it 

Resolved, That we invite personally the descendants 
"bearing the name of Comte de Rochambeau, Admiral de 
Grasse, and Admiral de Barras to be present at the cele- 
bration, and to become our guests during its continuance. 
Resolved, That we also invite the descendants of all 
officers in any way connected with the French army or 
fleet before Yorktown to be equally present, promising 
them the largest hospitality and the best of welcomes in 
the land made free by the help of their ancestors. Re- 
solre,:\ That the French Government be requested to send 
as large detachments of its fleet and army as it may deem 
possible, including, especially, members of each of the 
corps engaged at Yorktown. Resolved, That whilst in 
American waters, the fleet and army, its commanders and 
officers, be the guests of the Nation ; that a series of re- 
ceptions be organized in the principal cities of the land, 
to properly commemorate their visit. 

In pursuance of which Col. J. E. Peyton, 
General Superintendent of the Yorktown Cen- 
tennial Association, in June addressed the fol- 
lowing letter to the Marquis de Rochambeau, 
inviting him to visit the United States on the 
occasion, and to extend the invitation to the 
male representatives of the Marquis de Saint 
Simon, of the Counts de Grasse and de Barras, 

and of the other French officers who served in 
the auxiliary army of 1 J 

Orm 09 thk Yorktown Centennial Association 
Richmond, Yirginia, June, 1881 

Dear Sir — You have been informed that the Govern- 
ment of the United States will celebrate on the 19th Oc- 
tober next, the one hundredth anniversary of the victory 
of Yorktown achieved by the allied armies of the United 
States and France under the command of Generals Wash- 
ington and the Count de Rochambeau, with the co-opera- 
tion of the fleet under Admiral de Grasse, on the ground 
of the surrender of Lord Cornwallis. On this occasion 
the President of the United States, with his Cabinet, the 
Governors of the thirteen original States with their suites, 
and the chief officers of the army and navy, will be 
present, and the corner-stone of the monument, voted by 
Congress to perpetuate the memory of the victory and 
the alliance with France, will be then laid. 

The Congress of the United States has by public reso- 
lution invited the French Government to be represented 
on the occasion, and also the family of the Marquis de 
Lafayette, who held the rank of Major-General in the 
American service, and was also an adopted citizen of the 
United States, and suitable appropriations were made for 
their reception and entertainment. 

To aid the commission appointed by Congress to take 
charge of the general details of the celebration, an asso- 
ciation has been formed of distinguished citizens of the 
thirteen original States. In their name I have the honor 
to invite your presence on the occasion as the representa- 
tive of the illustrious General, the Count de Rocham- 
beau, whose name is dear to every American heart for 
the rare combination of prudent counsel and brilliant 
execution which distinguished his command in this 
country ; and further to request that you as the repre- 
sentative of the commander-in-chief of the French 
forces in the American campaign, will extend this our 
invitation to the male representative of each and all of 
the superior officers who served in his command, and in 
that of the Admiral de Grasse and Marquis de Saint 
Simon. You are invited, gentlemen, as the guests of the 
nation at large, which the Yorktown Centennial Asso- 
ciation has undertaken to represent on the occasion. You 
will be received, on your arrival, at any port of the 
United States which you may designate, by a committee 
from our body, and from that hour, until the hour of 
your departure for France, the entire charge of your 
honored persons will be assumed by ourselves. The 
governments of our States and cities have already begun 
to give formal public invitations to the representatives of 
France and the descendants of the French officers of 
1781, to visit their soil as their guests. In the intervals 
of these visits, and in your journeying from point to 
point in your own good pleasure, you will be in our care 
and at our charge. 

It will be our pleasure, gentlemen, to receive with open 
arms the descendants of the gallant men by whose aid 
our fathers achieved their independence, and to unite 
with them in the dedication of the monument upon the 



field where their blood was mingled and their great tri- 
umph achieved ; the monument which will perpetuate, 
not alone that alliance of two nations which the changes 
of a century have not disturbed, but the closer bond of 
two mighty Republics, free and independent. And while 
not forgetting the glories of the past, it will be our pride 
to exhibit to you the marvels of agriculture, of mechani- 
cal industry, and of social progress which have resulted 
from that Republican form of government which we 
hold to be the most perfect yet devised, and which we 
rejoice to feel is now as dear to the French nation as to 

Come, gentlemen, accept our hospitality as freely as it 

is tendered, and believe in the cordial sincerity of the 

friendly regard with which I have the honor to remain, 

M. de Rochambeau and gentlemen, Your obed't servant, 

J. E. Peyton, 

General Superintendent of the Yorktoivti 

Centennial A ssociation 
Edward Everett Winchell, Secretary 


Department of State, \ 

Washington, D. C, July 30, 1881. J 

Andrew D. White, Esq., &c, Berlin: 

Sir : During the darkest period of the Revolutionary 
war, a German soldier of character and distinction ten- 
dered his sword in aid of American independence. 
Frederic William Augustus, Baron Steuben, joined Wash- 
ington at Valley Forge in the memorable and disastrous 
winter of 1778. He attested the sincerity of his attach- 
ment to the patriot cause by espousing it when its for- 
tunes were adverse, its prospects gloomy, and its hopes, 
but for the intense zeal of the people, well-nigh crushed. 
The Baron Steuben was received by Washington with the 
most cordial welcome and immediately placed on duty as 
Inspector-General of the Army. A detailed history of 
his military career in America would form an epitome of 
the Revolutionary struggle. He had served in the Seven 
Years' War on the staff of the great Frederic, and had 
acquired in the campaigns of that master of military 
science the skill and the experience so much needed by 
the untrained soldiers of the Continental Army. The 
drill and discipline and effective organization, which un- 
der the commanding patronage of Washington were at 
once imparted to the American Army by the zeal and 
diligence of Steuben, transformed the volunteers and raw 
levies into veterans who successfully met the British 
regulars in all the campaigns of the prolonged struggle. 
The final surrender of the British army under Lord Corn- 
wallis occurred at Yorktown, Va., on the 19th day of 
October, 1781. Baron Steuben bore a most conspicuous 
part in the arduous campaign which ended so auspiciously 
for the Continental Army, and it fell to his lot to receive 
the first official notification of the proposed capitulation 
and to bear it to the illustrious commander-in-chief. 

The centennial of that great event in American history 
is to be celebrated with appropriate observances and 
ceremonies on the approaching anniversary. I am direct- 

ed by the President to tender through you an invitation 
to the representatives of Baron Steuben's family in Ger- 
many to attend the celebration as guests of the Govern- 
ment of the United States. You will communicate the 
invitation through the Imperial Minister of Foreign 
Affairs, and will express to him the very earnest desire of 
this Government that it shall be accepted. Those who 
come as representatives of the Baron Steuben's family will 
be assured in our day of peace and prosperity of as warm a 
welcome as was given to their illustrious kinsman in the 
dark days of adversity and war. They will be the honored 
guests of fifty millions of Americans — a vast number of 
whom have German blood in their veins and constitute 
one of the most worthy and valuable elements that make 
up the strength of the Republic. Intensely devoted with 
patriotic fidelity to America, they yet retain and cherish 
and transmit the most affectioate memories of Father- 
land. To these the visit of Baron Steuben's relatives will 
have something of the revival of family ties, while to all 
Americans, of whatever origin, the presence of German 
guests will afford fitting opportunity of testifying their 
respect for that great country within whose imperial limits 
are included so much of human grandeur and human pro- 
gress. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 

James G. Blaine. 


The State of Rhode Island was the first 
to extend its courtesies to the French gentlemen 
whose presence is expected in America in re- 
sponse to the invitations addressed to them, and 
on the 3d June, 1SS1, passed the following reso- 
lution : 

Whereas, During the Revolutionary war in the year 
A. D. 177S, while the British controlled the entrance of 
Narragansett Bay, and greatly distressed and oppressed 
the inhabitants of the adjoining territory, and Whereas, 
In the month of July of that year a French fleet arrived 
in the said bay, under the command of Admiral d'Es- 
taing, and occasioned the destruction of many of the 
vessels of the British fleet to the great satisfaction and 
relief of the inhabitants of the State, and Whereas, In 
the summer of A. D. 1780, another French fleet, bringing 
a large land force, arrived in the waters of the said bay, 
and to the great relief of the inhabitants remained within 
this State for a considerable time, and afforded protection 
to the lives and property